Srebrenica Genocide Denier Stephan Karganovic Banned from The Belgrade Book Fair

Stephan Karganovic
Stephan Karganovic

Stephan Karganovic, head of Hague-based (Holland) NGO, The Srebrenica Historical Project is upset because the upcoming Belgrade Book Fair has banned him from promoting his and his associates work at the fair. Mirjana Lukic the chief coordinator for this year´s fair explained the decision to ban Karganovic by saying in a written statement that those participating in the fair should refrain from texts actions that: “might offend people on the basis of religion, nationality, personal and all other rights of the citizens” It is that part that has upset Stephan Karganovic who demands in a written statement that was recently published by several Serbian portals that Mirjana Lukic explains herself, since Karganovic could not possibly see what he or his team might have done wrong at the 2012 Belgrade Book Fair.

Well, while Karganovic might be bewildered by Mirjana Lukic´s decision, for those of us that know the history of Stephan Karganovic and The Srebrenica Historical Project, it´s really not that hard to understand why Mirjana Lukic felt that it was inappropriate that he and his NGO had their own booth at the prestigious Belgrade Book Fair.

Prior to his role as the head of The Srebrenica Historical Project Karganovic mostly known at the Hague as a lawyer a translator and a member of convicted war criminal Momcilo Krajisnik´s defense team. Krajisnik was sentenced to 20 years in prison by the ICTY for crimes against huminty, such as: persecution, deportation, and forced transfer. Krajisnik was once a close associate of former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic. The two men had founded the Bosnian Serb nationalist Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) together.

One could say that Karganovic´s rise to prominence as a the uncrowned king of the Srebrenica genocide denier lobby coincided with that of the president of the Bosnian entity Republika Srpska Milorad Dodik´s shift from a west-indorsed moderate to a hard-line Serb nationalist, separatist and a Srebrenica genocide denier. At a pre-election rally in Srebrenica, the very site of the massacre, Dodik exclaimed in September 2010, “that genocide did not take place here” “We will not accept claims that what happened here was genocide, because it was not,” Dodik told the mostly Serb crowd in Srebrenica.

In 2011 he announced that he would be setting up a fund in order to help those Bosnian Serbs that were on trial at the ICTY including Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic. He also complimented Karadzic, saying he (Karadzic) ”made mistakes, but should be credited for establishing Republika Srpska. RS was founded because of his courage.” it´s worth adding that both Karadzic and Ratko Mladic are today on trial for crimes commited in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the war of aggression on the country. Both men are facing charges of crimes against humanity and genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Staying true to his form the last few years, Dodik has countiniued to be an outspoken genocide denier most recently, in September of 2012 during an election rally for his party SNSD in yet again in Srebrenica, he stood at the podium and said that he did not believe that what had happened in the very town that he was in, was in fact genocide. In the very same town there 13 years prior Ratko Mladic had stood and proclaimed in front a TV-camera to the world that: “We give this town to the Serb people as a gift, the time has come to take revenge on the Turks in this region”

Ratko Mladic and the Bosnian Serb Army, police and other security forces then proceeded to execute some 8000 Bosniaks ( Bosnian Muslims) of the region, in what was the single biggest massacre on European soil since the Second World War.

Dodik´s ties to Karganovic and his outfit have been known for a long time in Bosnia, but it was in July 2012 that United States Holocaust Memorial Museum ( USHMM) and their Mladic Files published a story about what was for some a revelation and for others common knowledge. Under the title : Wages of Genocide Denial, USHMM showed that Srebrenica Historical Project was engaged in genocide denial and that it had over the course of five years received over 1 million dollars from the government of Republika Srpska:

It turns out that genocide denial has a price tag — and a hefty one at that. Financial records from the Bosnian Serb entity known as Republika Srpska reveal that a Hague-based group of pseudo-experts that calls itself the ”Srebrenica Historical Project” has received more than $1 million from the cash-strapped mini-state over the past five years. Question, and in many cases deny, basic historical facts concerning massacres carried out by Bosnian Serb forces under the command of General Ratko Mladic in July 1995.

An exhaustive international investigation of the Srebrenica events, involving teams of forensic pathologists, DNA specialists, demographic experts, and detectives has established that Bosnian Serb forces murdered around 7,000 Muslim prisoners in a series of massacres between July 12 and July 16, 1995. A further 1,000 or so Muslim men and boys were killed as a result of ambushes and armed clashes as they tried to reach Muslim-controlled territory north of Srebrenica.

What is most alarming about the Srebrenica Historical Project is not that there are people out there claiming that black is white, but that the denial industry is being financed by the Bosnian Serb authorities. A rough analogy might be the German government and parliament voting every year to fund the research of David Irving and other revisionist Holocaust historians.

While I certainly don´t want to deny any rights to Karganovic and rest of the Srebenica genocide denial lobby, nor do I deny them the right to a continued pursuit to spread falsehoods and misrepresentations about the genocide in Srebrenica. However if one were to speculate as to why Mirjana Lukic felt that Stephan Karganovic presence at the Belgrade Book Fair was inappropriate and offensive. Well one might come to the conclusion that it´s precisely because he and rest of the creepy-crawlies of the genocide denial lobby have via various Serb nationalist sites, anonymous websites, anti-Muslim blogs etc, engaged in well, spreading lies, historical revisionism, and trying to shift the blame on what happened in Srebrenica on the victims.

In short, Karganovic and his colleagues have spent a great deal of time and in the case of The Srebrenica Historical Project tax-payers money in trying to spread falsehoods about the genocide in Srebenica. The most offensive part being the fact that money that should be going into education, construction, building roads, clean water etc, is being spent on insulting the victims and survivors and returnees who themselves are by their role as tax-payers in the entity unwillingly contributing to that denial and that the denial is being endorsed by Milorad Dodik, the president of the entity.

There is of course, more to be said about Karganovic, and it has been said in the past. By USHMM, by the authorative Srebrenica Genocide Blog, a site dedicated to disabusing Srebrenica genocide deniers. A few years back they did a thorough dissection of Karganovic´s methods and his listed his shady anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim friends and fellow travellers. What we are seeing now is of course a direct result of Karganovic´s actions. It´ss not really surprising, people like Karganovic, like Robert Faurisson, and like David Irving have a specific audience. It is when their methods are exposed in the cold light of day, that we really see what they are all about. Karganovic has in his efforts to re-write history finally reached the the level of infamy that Faurisson and Irving reached. One could argue that Karganovic, like Ed Hermann and David Peterson have become Milosevic´s Karadzic´s and Mladic´s very own Faurissson and Irving.

As I wrote in the last paragraph, Srebrenica Genocide Blog wrote a thorough dissection of Karganovic´s methods a few years back. It can be accessed here.

In june this year I wrote a comprehensive article about Bosnian genocide denial where I tried to show Karaganovic´s and other deniers methods. the article can be accessed here.

Uppdate : Two weeks ago media outlets in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia reported that authorities in Republika Srpska, one of Bosnia´s two entities, more precisely the Banja Luka Prosecutors Office had started an investigation into the funds received by the Srebrenica Historical Project. Authorities in RS have during a number of years given large sums to the Hague-based NGO and Karganovic has enjoyed open support from amongst others MIlorad Dodik, premier of the entity. According to reports, during the period  from 2008 to today,  authorities in RS had allocated from their budget close a million Euros, more accurately: 970 892.15 Euros. As I wrote above this is tax payer money, which has in this case gone to denying basic facts about the genocide in Srebrenica as well Stephan Karganovic attempts at re-write the history of the Bosnian War and genocide.

 

Genocide Denial and the Need for Maintaining Necessary Illusions

Srebrenica Genocide
Srebrenica Genocide

It is utterly depressing having to write about Bosnian Genocide and the subsequent denial of it by those that have inherited the policy of discrimination based on political racial and religious ground which was the trademark of Slobodan Milosevic main client; Radovan Karadzic and his Republika Srpska, yet here we are. Still I guess it´s only logical. Republika Srpska foundations are based on lies, and in order for the lie to survive it has to become true. It´s depressing for a number of reasons, mostly because it´s clear now that the effect of that policy now 18 years after the Dayton Accords is far from being defeated or reversed, instead it´s is becoming institutionalized. That alternate image has now become a reality in 49 percent of the country. Why else would we now, twenty years after the beginning of the war, and eighteen years after the single biggest massacre on European soil after Second World War have people at the highest levels of political life in Bosnia and Herzegovina deny basic facts about the war and the genocide in Srebrenica? It can be argued that the current Bosnian Serb political leadership believes that the very existence of the entity Republika Srpska depends on being able to create an alternate image of what happened during the Bosnian War, who did what to whom, who started it and who committed the biggest number of atrocities and above all why? A justification for it´s very existence is needed.

The border created at the US air force base in Ohio that divided Bosnia and Herzegovina and in effect stopped the Bosnian Army from liberating the country has now become a mental border dividing Bosnians along ethnic lines, even though Dayton was never meant to be permanent in the first place. It was designed to reverse the effects of “ethnic cleansing” caused by the Serbian and Bosnian Serb onslaught on Eastern, and North-West Bosnia. It was also intended to lead to something more permanent and more stable, but above all it was a way of ending or halting the war, in the end it put too much faith in the same people that worked to destroy Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first place. Looking back at it; Dayton was the worst kind of appeasement. In effect it in rewarded aggression, “ethnic cleansing” and genocide. It rewarded the policies of Slobodan Milosevic and Radovan Karadzic; those two men despite both of them eventually ending up in The Hague were the real winners in Dayton. The strategy that Milosevic and a cadre of JNA generals had developed and that was on the ground implemented by the political leadership of Radovan Karadzic and military leadership of Ratko Mladic meant to create a “State for all Serbs” a Greater Serbia meant in effect that only Serbs remain west of the Drina River. For that to become reality non-Serbs had to be physically removed.

In order to achieve that the Yugoslav Army joined forces with Serbian nationalists and extremists loyal to Radovan Karadzic, together with Serbian security forces as well as paramilitary units from Serbia and attacked towns and hamlets across eastern Bosnia, in a few weeks most of eastern Bosnia was in Serb hands and Serb forces backed by the Yugoslav Army were tightening their grip on Sarajevo. Only a few towns remained in eastern Bosnia, Srebrenica, Gorazde, Zepa and the hamlets of Cerska and Konjevic Polje. As spring turned into summer, those places would become isolated and filled with refugees and survivors from other towns in eastern Bosnia. Places like Bjeljina,Vlasenica, Visegrad, Bratunac, Rudo, Cajnice, Foca, Rogatica Zvornik. They had been witnesses too and many of them had escaped death. They told stories of mass executions, rape camps, sexual slavery, torture, eliticide, and all out destruction. All that was Muslim, or Bosniak or rather non-Serb had to be wiped of the map.

The same was taking place in northern and north-west Bosnia. Towns of Prijedor, Kozarac, Sanski Most, Trnopolje, Omarska would soon become synonymous with terror and death.

The past is never far away in Bosnia and that the Bosnian society has yet to come to terms with what happened during the war. Now when I say “Bosnian society” I mean all parts of it, including Republika Srpska as much as some, above all the current political leadership spearheaded by pragmatist and opportunist turned nationalist, separatist and genocide denier Milorad Dodik would like to convince others but above all the Serbs in Republika Srpska that it´s not. He has said openly that he will never accept that what happened in Srebrenica was an act of genocide, most recently, in september of 2012 during an election rally for his party SNSD in Srebrenica, he stood at the podium and said that he did not believe that what had happened in the very town that he was in, was in fact genocide. Yet the International Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia at The Hague has thus far, convicted four people for genocide in Srebrenica, Radislav Krstic the former commander of the Bosnian Serb Army´s Drina Corps, as well as high ranking officers Ljubisa Beara and Vujadin Popvic and most recently Zdravko Tolimir, Ratko Mladic´s head of military intelligence. Radovan Karadzic and Mladic are both currently on trial for crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, amongst those crimes are persecution kidnapping murder and genocide.

In 2007 the ICJ (International Court of Justice) ruled that what had happened in Srebrenica indeed was genocide and that not only was it genocide but that Serbia was in a position to stop the genocide but had failed to do so. Most recently Bosnian courts ruled that Zeljko Ivanovic was guilty of aiding and abetting genocide by participating in the mass execution of over 1000 captured Bosniaks in the village of Kravica. In 2011 Bosnian Court uppheld the guilty verdict of one Milorad Trbic, he had been a member of the Zvornik Brigade in the Army of Republika Srpska. Trbic was found guilty of the criminal offence of genocide, as a participant in a joint criminal enterprise, in the period from 12 July to 30 November 1995, together with Colonel Ljubisa Beara, Lieutenant Colonel Vujadin Popovic, Lieutenant Drago Nikolic and others, with a common purpose and a plan to capture, detain, summarily execute and bury all able-bodied Bosniak men from the Srebrenica enclave, who were brought to the Zvornik Brigade area of responsibility. His sentence of 30 years was uppheld. Trbic was transferred from the Hague to stand trial in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Outside of Srebrenica, leader of a Serb paramilitary group operating in the Doboj region; Nikola Jorgic was found guilty of the crime of genocide by a German court in 1997. Jorgic was sentenced to four terms of life imprison for his involvement in the Bosnian genocide. Pronouncing the verdict, the German Federal Court said that German courts had the right “to try genocide indictees, no matter where the crime was committed”. Jorgic appealed the decision to the European Court of Human Rights which dismissed Jorgic´s claim and found that the standards used by the German court were indeed valid.

On 29th of November 1999 the Higher Regional Court (Oberlandesgericht) in Dusseldorf convicted a Bosnian Serb Paramilitary leader Maksim Sokolovic to 9 years in prison for aiding and abetting the crime of genocide and for grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions in the Kalesija region. Sokolovic appealed the conviction claiming that the court in Dusseldorf had no jurisdiction over his case; however the Federal Supreme Court (Bundesgerichtshof) rejected Sokolovic´s argument since the crimes of which he was accused of fall under the principle of universal jurisdiction. As a consequence, a foreigner could be tried by a German court for crime of genocide committed on foreign territory.

Yet that has not stopped Milorad Dodik, in 2011 he announced that he would be setting up a fund in order to help those Bosnian Serbs that were on trial at the ICTY including Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic. He also complimented Karadzic, saying he “made mistakes, but should be credited for establishing Republika Srpska. RS was founded because of his courage.” He has during his time in office spent a great deal of tax funds on denying the basic facts about the Genocide in Srebrenica using the help of a group of Hague based pseudo-experts calling themselves The Srebrenica Historical Project and is registered as an NGO ( Non-Government-Organization) sadly for him those experts have yet to present any concrete evidence refuting the facts about the genocide, facts established during a 17-year period. The outfit´s front man is a Serb-American from Seattle called Stephan Karganovic.

Prior to establishing himself as the front figure of  “The Srebrenica Historical Project” he had worked as a translator and was member of the convicted war criminal Momcilo Krajisnik´s defense team, in the Hague before promoting himself as a “truth teller” refuting the “myth of genocide” in fact he has as I said before yet to prove anything, but that´s not why he is where he is.

People like Karganovic serve a purpose, in reality nobody, not even Milorad Dodik expects him to actually prove anything, he can´t. If he could you would have heard about it long ago. He is however expected to maintain the illusion that Serbia, and Republika Srpska are innocent victims of conspiracy intended to keep Serbia and Serbs at bay. And that what is going on is a continued aggression against Serbia by ”Western Imperialists”, the USA, Great Britain, CIA, the Vatican, IMF, Germany and their agents and ”homegrown traitors” the Croats and Bosniaks intent on keeping Serbia and Serbs at heel, one way is to falsely accuse them of committing genocide and hence becoming ”a genocidal nation” on par with Germany, a concern expressed by the godfather of contemporary Serb nationalism Dobrica Cosic in 2010 right about the same time as the Serbian Assembly was preparing to vote on European parliament’s resolution condemning the genocide in Srebrenica, Cosic claimed that ”Serbia should never accept the lies about Serbs committing genocide in Bosnia’, because this would make the Serbs a genocidal nation on a par with Nazi Germany”. (Pecat, 12 February 2010.)

The most telling example of Srebrenica Historical project’s real purpose could be seen during Pelemis/Simic trial.

The two men were accused of involvement in the mass killings that took place in the villages of Pilica and Branjevo after the fall of Srebrenica. Karganovics neuro-forensic expert Ljubisa Simic participated as an “expert witness” for Slavko Perics defense in order to refute the DNA-identifications that had been conducted on the remains in Branjevo. Under cross-examination by State Prosecutor Erik Larson, neurosurgeon Simic, who testified in his in the role as a medical expert, said that; “his name was not included on the list of court experts, he has not passed a specialist exam and he had not testified at any trial before. He confirmed that no organization had certified him as an expert witness in forensic medicine, pathology, or DNA analysis. He had not participated in any exhumations, had never had performed an autopsy on his own and he had never performed an identification using DNA analysis. Simic confirmed that he worked for the “Srebrenica Historical Project” but could not confirm that his role in the organization was to deny the genocide in Srebrenica. “I deal with medical issues at that organization,” Simic said. (See: Pelemis/Peric trial 2012)

Most recently Karganovic could be found harrasing American journalist and fellow at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM) Michael Dobbs on Dobbs’ Foreign Policy Blog “Origins of Evil” a blog devoted to Ratko Mladic and the genocide in Srebrenica. Dobbs´s plan was to more or less devote most of his time digging into Mladic´s past and slowly blogpost by blogpost explain the “origins of evil”, simply put; Dobbs wanted to show what led Mladic and the Bosnian Serbs to commit the single biggest atrocity on European Soil since World War Two. Sadly Dobbs approach left a lot to be desired, in my opinion his efforts were lackluster and feeble and many of his posts were frankly pointless, and sub-tabloid level.

His naïve and let´s say “uninvolved” approach led him down some strange paths, and it all culminated last September when he was criticized by myself and others for his naive views on militant Serb nationalism and Slobodan Milosevic´s expansionist policies and deadly experiments with nationalism that ended in the violent death of Yugoslavia and more importantly in the death of thousands that stood in the way of Milosevic´s attempts to carve out a Greater Serbia and a state for all Serbs on the ruins of former Yugoslavia. Now Yugoslavia, would have most likely fallen apart anyway, as a direct consequence of the fall of communism in Europe, but few would disagree that if it hadn´t been for Milosevic that breakup would have gone peacefully. As for Dobbs, well he tried but simply did not have anything interesting or relevant to say on Mladic or Srebrenica.

To Dobbs credit he did however try to stand up to Karganovic and his associates who plagued the comments section and used it as forum to spew out their conspiracy theories and revisionism. Dobbs had at his disposal the large amount of research and documentation collected on the genocide in Srebrenica over the past 17-years. In one glorious moment last July he pointed out to the fact that Karganovic´s outfit had by then ( July 2012) received in total 1 million US dollars from the government of Republika Srpska and that the nature of The Srebrenica Historical project was to perpetuate genocide denial. in July 2012 Dobbs wrote the following:

It turns out that genocide denial has a price tag — and a hefty one at that. Financial records from the Bosnian Serb entity known as Republika Srpska reveal that a Hague-based group of pseudo-experts that calls itself the “Srebrenica Historical Project” has received more than $1 million from the cash-strapped mini-state over the past five years. Question, and in many cases deny, basic historical facts concerning massacres carried out by Bosnian Serb forces under the command of General Ratko Mladic in July 1995.

An exhaustive international investigation of the Srebrenica events, involving teams of forensic pathologists, DNA specialists, demographic experts, and detectives has established that Bosnian Serb forces murdered around 7,000 Muslim (Bosniak) prisoners in a series of massacres between July 12 and July 16, 1995. A further 1,000 or so Muslim men and boys were killed as a result of ambushes and armed clashes as they tried to reach Muslim-controlled territory north of Srebrenica.

What is most alarming about the Srebrenica Historical Project is not that there are people out there claiming that black is white, but that the denial industry is being financed by the Bosnian Serb authorities. A rough analogy might be the German government and parliament voting every year to fund the research of David Irving and other revisionist Holocaust historians.

As British journalist George Monbiot pointed out 2012 ; “In order for these people to be right the entire canon of serious scholarship, human rights investigations, exhumations and witness statements would have to be wrong. Extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence. But they offer little but the recycled claims of genocidaires and genocide deniers, mashed up with their own misrepresentations” In his response to another set of Milosevic apologist and genocide deniers. Those of the internationalist left, most notably Edward Herman and David Peterson, as well as Noam Chomsky and John Pilger.

Needless to say, Dobbs article drew fire from Karganovic and rest of the creepy-crawlies of the “Great Serb” genocide-denial lobby that quickly rushed to the comment section to attack him, and that is where Karganovic and his sympathizers are most at home. People like Karganovic look for certain things, that they can isolate and latch on too, picking selective portions of evidence and deliberately miss-quoting witnesses in order to spread doubt, They cater to a specific kind of crowd, people like Karganovic, Nebojsa Malic, Srdja Trifkovic. None of their followers really demand of them to present any evidence for their theories but then again they don´t really have to try very hard. They tend to preach to the choir, of Serb nationalists, far-right extremists, people that hate the west or ”anti-imperialists” conspiracy theorists and and ideologues to whom human life is less valuable then the notion of a “Yugoslavia as the last socialist country in the Balkans” under threat from “The Empire” meaning the west and above all the hated USA. These are the kind of people that deny Srebrenica happened at the same time as they secretly and sometime not so secretly glorify and/or openly justify that it did happened. Simply because they wanted the Serbs and their cause to win. Nevermind the victims of Serb fascism…

The most extreme example of that is Anders Behring Breivik, the Norwegian terrorist whose Balkan obsession and his hatred towards Islam and Muslims spills out over the pages of his manifesto 2083: A European Declaration of Independence. A look thru the manifesto shows that he had a unhealthy obsession with the Balkans and admiration for the Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic who Breivik considers to be a “honorable Crusader and a European war hero” for his efforts to rid Europe of Muslims. (Radovan Karadzic is currently on trial same as Ratko Mladic for crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and crimes that were perpetrated against the civilian population and against places of worship throughout the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovinia, ) As well revealing that altogether, the words “Serb” shows up 341 times, “Bosnia” 343 and “Albania” 208 times while Srebrenica, the site of the biggest massacre in former Yugoslavia after WWII does not appear anywhere in the document.

To Breivik, Radovan Karadzic is a hero, and his delusions mirror those of others on the far right, and Serb nationalist circles in the sense that they view what happened in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a struggle against ”the genocidal hate ideology known as Islam”  as Breivik puts it. In that sense all the atrocities committed against Muslims or Bosniaks in Bosnia can be explained away and justified by the need to get rid of Islam and Muslims. The murder of men women elderly, the rape of women and young girls, torture, setting up of concentration camps and mass killings and deportation perpetrated against a specific groups are justifiable as self-defense as long it´s committed against a feared and hated enemy that has to be eliminated in order to protect Serbs and Serbia against “Muslim genocide” or in Breiviks case Europe and Western Civilization. Therefore people like Karadzic and Mladic are heros and crusaders and any crimes they might have committed against non-Muslims are regrettable or as Breivik himself puts it:

He (Karadzic) even went as far as offering the Muslims certain enclaves. When they refused he wanted to deport them by force. When this was made impossible by NATO he gave the order to fight the person who refused which was his sovereign right and responsibility as one of the primary leaders of Serb forces. This was never about ethnicity but about ridding the country of the genocidal hate ideology known as Islam. I do condemn any atrocities committed against Croats and vice versa but for his efforts to rid Serbia of Islam he will always be considered and remembered as an honorable Crusader and a European war hero.

Oddly enough he is sort of right that it was never really about ethnicity, when it came to the actual reasons for the war, but not for the reasons he thinks, it was not about ridding Europe of Islam but a simple land grab, orchestrated by Milosevic his close associates and a cadre of JNA generals in Belgrade loyal to Milosevic, who´s prime motive was power, if he could not make himself ruler of Yugoslavia, then he would be the creater of a new “Greater” Serbia as a home for all Serbs. There was however a need to convince people, above all Serbs and to instill fear into them about ”the others” mainly Bosniaks, Slovenes, Croats and Kosovars. For that there was a need to control the media in former Yugoslavia. As Borisav Jovic, a former Milosevic aid and probably his closest associate wrote in his book, ”The Last Days of SFRY”

For years, he (Milosevic) paid the biggest attention to the media, especially television. He personally appointed editors-in-chief of the newspapers and news programmers – especially directors-general of radio and television. “Perhaps in no other area was he in direct communication with all editors who “fed” the public with the news comments and generally with the information. He was deeply convinced that citizens formed their view not on basis of their real material and their political position what was not published has not happened at all – was Milosevic`s motto

During the Milosevic trial the Trial Chamber heard from Professor Renaud de la Brosse, a propaganda expert from the University of Reims in France who took the stand as part of the prosecution’s effort to prove a link between what the media said and war crimes perpetrated on the battlefield. de la Brosse had studied some 20,000 pages of newspaper articles, transcripts of television and radio broadcast from the former Yugoslavia in order to produce his 100-page raport called; “Political Propaganda and the Plan to Create a State for all Serbs”

According to de la Brosse; Milosevic’s propaganda was based on the same techniques as used by Adolf Hitler, with the added power of television. ”Nazi propaganda had shown that myths bind the masses together tightly. Indeed, it was through myths and, therefore, the appeal to the forces of the unconscious, to fear and terror, the instinct of power and the lost community that the propaganda orchestrated by Goebbels had succeeded in winning over the Germans and melding them into a compact mass”

In 1990 in order to facilitate Slobodan Milosevic´s takeover of control of Kosovo, Serbian television launched a campaign of generalizations and lies against the Kosovars, accusing them of “poisoning wells” and “slitting throats of children” and then following it up with a campaign in the newspaper Politika which published readers’ letters, often made up, by Politika staff that “the Albanians  were raping hundreds of Serb women there” . On February 9 1990 Vojislav K. Stojanovic president of the University Teachers and Scholars of Serbia wrote that “the savage Albanian terrorists are now running amok in Kosovo and Metohija destroying anything that is Serbian, breaking into homes of the few Serbs that have stayed behind, Kosovo and Metohija are in the grip of fear by terrorists armed to the teeth.”

Even Slobodan Milosevic participated in the stigmatization of the Kosovar community by proclaiming that “Even children know the truth about Kosovo and Serbia, so it´s quit superfluous to say anything more about it. To those that think otherwise, I should say that I refuse to talk about because we need never to try and find excuses to stop the murder of Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo and for our unwillingness to accept an Albanian state on Serbian territory. To avoid further confusion I hasten to add that anyone seeking concessions along those lines would have to first depose the ruling Serbian leadership”

Another example of propaganda “winning over the Serbs and melding them into a compact mass,” that de la Brosse Points too is the is the story of the so called “baby-massacre” from November 1991, in a suburb close to Vukovar, called Borovo Naselje. As the siege of Vukovar was drawing to an end Serbian media reported that soldiers from the JNA had found the bodies of 41 massacred Serbian children, in village that had fallen days before. The story turned out to be untrue, and even the JNA was forced to issue a public denial, yet it was given widespread coverage by the Milosevic controlled media, who did not try to verify the story of the children having their “throats slit by blood thirsty Croats” even though all of the children had in fact been evacuated from that village months before and no schools had been open for a long time in that area.

That was not important, the story served a purpose, and it was there to enforce the image of Croats as “bloodthirsty genocidal maniacs” and undermines those that were opposed to the war. In fact when the story broke, a number of anti-war demonstrations were taking place in Belgrade. People in Serbia, above all parents who had family members serving in the JNA were opposed the ongoing campaign in Croatia. The story did well to silence those that opposed the war, and it would also lead to a flood of Serb volunteers going to the Croatian front.

Another such example was the story of Serb children being fed to lions at the Sarajevo Zoo. The story goes that due to the siege of Sarajevo; for which “the bloody thirsty Muslims” in Sarajevo were themselves responsible, there was a shortage of food and other supplies in the city so the Muslims were feeding Serbian children to the starving lions. The “news” was carried by TV Pale, and Risto Djogo, the official voice of the Karadzic regime. The news was also picked up by Serbian media, SRNA and TANJUG reported the story with any sort of checks being made in order to verify the story. Viewers in Belgrade got to see and above all hear on the 19:30 news that; “The Muslim extremists have come up with the world’s most horrible way of torturing people. Last night they threw Serb children to the lions at the local zoo, reports the Serb patrol”

In 1994 Serbian newspaper Vecernje Novosti published a story about a Serb orphan whose whole family was killed by Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims) in the area around Srebrenica. The story came with a photo of the boy, lying down next to what was described as his family´s grave, the text under the photo read; “The biggest casualties of war are children, that is the case as well in this most recent one, a one in which the Serbian people are again fighting for their very existence. The picture which had the year before circulated the globe, is that of a graveyard in Skelani, (near Srebrenica) on which this boy, now an orphan is crying on the graves of his mother father and rest of his family, “that were killed in a Muslim offensive” is still shocking those who know about the suffering of children. The boy has however in the meantime been adopted by a family in Zvornik and is a member of a military school”

The photo was in fact a forgery, in reality it is a 19th century oil painting by Serbian painter Uros Predic known as ”Orphan Upon His Mother’s Grave”, it was painted in 1879, the painting was made as an illustration for a poem by Hungarian poet Janos Arany.

Orphan Upon His Mothers Grave by Uros Predic, to the left and Vecernje Novosti Picture to the right. Courtesy of Srebrenica Genocide Blog.
Orphan Upon His Mothers Grave by Uros Predic, to the left and Vecernje Novosti Picture to the right. Courtesy of Srebrenica Genocide Blog.

If one were to de-construct the text under the “photo” or the painting it go something like this, in order convince people in Serbia about righteousness of their cause, there is no better way of doing that then focusing on the suffering of small children in this case a small boy, abandoned and helpless whose parents were only killed because they were Serbs. And that their struggle is now much like it was in past wars justified, since they are simply struggling to survive and fighting a ruthless enemy bent on destroying the whole of the Serb nation. By adding that the picture circulated the globe, which is not true, and that it caused outrage and shock, it even more re-affirms that the Serbian cause is just, and there is hope and that they should not give up the fight, since the poor boy isn’t going to, there is after all a silver lining; he has enlisted in military high school.

The situation was of course drastically different in the Srebrenica region, then Vecernje Novosti led the Serb public to believe nowhere was at as bad as in Eastern Bosnia and in particular the area around Srebrenica. From the beginning of the war the town had been isolated from the rest of Bosnian-controlled territory. It was one of few towns’ hamlets and villages that had escaped the onslaught of the Yugoslav Army and various Serb paramilitary units that had made their way from Serbia to join forces with nationalists and extremists loyal to Radovan Karadzic. The other ones in the area were Cerska and Konjevic Polje, and to the south Zepa and further along the Drina river Gorazde. In November 1992 Radovan Karadzic signed Directive 4 ordering the Drina corps of the Bosnian Serb army to engage the enemy with the intent of; “wearing out the enemy and forcing them to leave Srebrenica, Zepa and Gorazde areas together with the inhabitants…” The plan was implemented during the month of January 1993, slowly Bosnian Serb forces with the help of the Yugoslav Army chipped away at the territory that Bosnians had managed to defend during the initial invasion of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Altogether some 10 000 Bosnian Serb Soldiers with the help of the reformed Yugoslav Army (VJ) participated in the offensive on the isolated Bosniak enclaves. Two of the smallest enclaves fell in March 1993, Cerska and Konjevic Polje after bitter fighting, the Bosnian defenders isolated and without access to food or ammunition were forced to retreat together with civilians, women children and elderly into Srebrenica which was slowly becoming the world´s biggest refugee camp with some 40 000 people trapped inside.

One of those that witnessed what was going on in Srebrenica was former Venezuealan ambassador to the UN, Diego Arria. He testified as defense witness at the trial of the Bosnian commander in the enclave Naser Oric and as a prosecution witness at the trial of Slobodan Milosevic. Arria arrived in Srebrenica in April 1993. According to Arria, what was taking place in Srebrenica then was a form of “genocide in slow motion” Bosniaks in Srebrenica and surrounding villages  were exposed to “extreme poverty, destruction, starvation and squalor” that were according to Arria deliberately being withheld from the public by the UN. Arria managed to take the first photographs of of the destruction of Srebrenica and its starving inhabitants. Hundreds of people that had fled the surrounding villages were now living on the streets of Srebrenica, a town that before the war had some 8000 inhabitants. To stay warm they burned trash, plastic bags, and everything else they could get their hands on, as the children wandered thru the streets, shivering in their tattered sweaters and worn out shoes and smelling of excrament and smoke and sweat. The photographs taken by Arria were the only ones in existence at the time. He refused to hand over his camera to UN troops in Srebrenica. According to Arria the international community “did not move its little finger” to protect the Bosniaks in the enclave and “did not make it possible for them to defend themselves”

In fact the UN was withholding reports that showed the true situation in Srebrenica. For that Arria blames UN Secratery General Boutros Ghali and his staff who according to Arria misinformed the Security Council about the situation in the enclave. It was not until after an appeal by the then UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Sadako Ogata that the report on the humanitarian disaster in Srebrenica was shown to the Security Council. Diego Arria warned of a “potential massacre in which there could be 25,000 victims.” Arria went on to say; “it was clear that it was just a matter of time before the massacre would happen” or before the “slow-motion genocide” would become a “real genocide.” The United Nations, according to Arria; was unwilling to do anything to prevent that.

The reason for that is that there was in the tendency in The Security Council to as Arria puts it  “morally equate the victims and the aggressor” the reason for that was that it made it more simple not to take action to prevent the atrocities, if you gave the impression that all sides are equally at fault, well then why should the International Community intervene on anyone´s behalf? In fact according to Arria the UN had been hoping that the Serbs would overrun the enclave, before it became a “safe area” and thus “solving the problem” the fact that the Bosnian defenders saw things differently created a problem for the UN. On April 16 after heavy fighting the Bosnian lines held. Naser Oric and his men had launched a desperate counter-attack in the hills above Srebrenica with the few artillary shells they had left and manged to push the Serbs back, on that same day  Srebrenica was declared a “safe area” with an ambivalent UN tasked to protect it if Serb forces tried to re-take it. That ambivalence was on full display in July 1995 as was the willingness of the international community to end the arms embargo against Bosnia…

Or as former British Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd put it; “lifting the arms embargo would only create a level killing field” a statement that prompted a response from a retired Margaret Thatcher who pointed to the obvious, the fact that there was already in Europe a killing field in Bosnia “killing field the like of which I thought we would never see in Europe again It is in Europe’s sphere of influence. It should be in Europe’s sphere of conscience”. The arms embargo imposed on the countries in the former Yugoslavia only hurt one country, and that was Bosnia, Croatia could easily purchase weapons despite the embargo from any of the neighboring countries, and Serbia, well it had inherited the vast arsenal of the former Yugoslav People´s Army which was flowing freely across the border into the hands of the Bosnian Serbs. The chief opposition to arming the defending Bosnian Army or lifting the arms embargo came from UK and France, according to Robert Hunter, the former US ambassador to NATO; Britain has the greatest responsibility when it comes to this, “they carry a huge burden of responsibility for what happened at Srebrenica.” claimed Hunter.

The Americans had tried to ease the arms embargo against the Bosnian Army, the new administration under Clinton had sought to at least “relax” the arms embargo which they considered was punishing the weakest, most victimized nation; Bosnia and Herzegovina. Unlike the Serbs and Croats in Bosnia which had the support of Croatia and Serbia, the Bosnian Army was hopelessly landlocked. The Bosnian government wanted the arms embargo lifted in order to defend it people and country, but according to Clinton, his proposals for the relaxation of the arms embargo were blocked by US allies in Europe. Mainly the UK and France.

According to Clinton the offical reason they gave was that that as Douglas Hurd said before it would create a “level killing field” more guns in the area meant more bloodshed. However according to Clinton the real reason for the objection was the fact that Bosnia as a predominantly Muslim country would be “unnatural” in Europe. In Taylor Branchs book “The Clinton Tapes” (2009) Clinton discussed openly the role US European allies played in the destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina. They wanted the arms embargo precisely because it locked in Bosnia´s disadvantage. What´s even worse according to Clinton was that they used the UN forces on the ground as an excuse, claiming that the options the Clinton administration proposed in order to save the Bosnian state and stop the ongoing genocide would endanger UN troops on the ground as well as jeopardizing emergency shipments of food and medical supplies that were being delivered to a population that was on a daily basis being subjected to a terror campaign and was not allowed to defend itself. In other words; the UN troops in Bosnia were being used in order to facilitate the dismemberment of the Bosnian state.

Clinton claimed that French president Francois Mitterrand had said to him that “Bosnia quite simply did not belong,” and that British diplomats in private spoke of a “painful but realistic restoration of Christian Europe” Such Anti-Muslim and bigoted views could of course not be uttered openly but it shows why the carnage and the dismemberment of the Bosnian state was allowed to happen. Bosnia and Herzegovina or more to the point a predominantly “Muslim Bosnia” did not belong and as painful as it was, it had to disappear. That´s where the biggest betrayal of Bosnia and Herzegovina lied, in their fear of a “Muslim Bosnia” French and British diplomats had missed the fact that at the beginning of the war some 25-30 percent of the Bosnian Army consisted of non-Muslims or non-Bosniaks, that at the highest levels of command, there were both Serbs and Croats, people like Jovan Divjak, Stjepan Siber, Zeljko Knez a Croat who was the first Commander of the Bosnian Army´s Second Corps, Divjak a Serb was the Bosnian Army´s second in command, there were also men like Dragan Vikic, (a Croat) Head of the interior ministry, Zoran Cegar his deputy, (a Serb) but above all those anonymous soldiers manning the trenchers, together with Bosniak soldiers, forced to fight with their hands tied behind their back depending on what they could beg steal or borrow, or more accurately what they could capture from the Serb nationalists who had no such problems, they had come to the war armed to the teeth courtesy of the former Yugoslav People´s Army.

The diplomats had also missed or decided to ignore people like, Stjepan Kljuic, Gordana Knezevic, Mirko Pejanovic to name a few more prominent non-Bosniaks who in their own way fought and still fight for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Those are of course the more prominent ones as is the case with the Bosnian Army soldiers many unnamed heroes fought and still fight the good fight. They were, we were all betrayed and for every shell that was fired and for every day the embargo was in effect the very fabric of Bosnian society was being ripped apart. So yes, it was indeed painful.

However nowhere was as painful as it was in Srebrenica, heroic Srebrenica that had withstood the initial Serb onslaught, it had withstood the intial invasion of Serbian forces into Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as Karadzic´s extremists and the genocidal campaign that followed. It had whitstood the final solution sanctioned by France and Great Britain which had cleared most of the Drina valley north-west Bosnia, eastern Bosnia of its non-Serb population, it had become a safe haven for those that had escaped certain death, those that had escaped rape camps, and torture from all across the Drina Valley as well as other parts of eastern Bosnia, it was together with Zepa and Gorazde the last of the free territory in eastern Bosnia.

The fact is that the picture of the “Orphaned Boy” published in Vecernje Novosti was there to mobilize and galvanize the Serb people against their enemy. It is also a way of inciting hate that can have, and has had horrible consequences. It´s not difficult to understand Serbs reading, listening and above all watching the reports coming in from Croatia and Bosnia about various atrocities committed against Serbs by Bosniaks and Croats, wanting to take revenge on the perpetrators. According to de la Brosse Serbian media used certain words to stir up defensive reaction amongst the Serbs. Words like “Ustasha Fascists” and “cut-throats” were used to stigmatize Croats and “Islamic Ustasha” or “Jihad Fighters” to stigmatize the Bosniaks. de la Brosse also pointed to the fact that the JNA (Yugoslav People´s Army) had during the fighting in Croatia issued memos ordering that all enemies be called “Ustasha”.

During the genocidal campaign in Bosnia and Herzegovina the Serbian Television, according to de la Brosse more or less banished the use of the word ”Bosnian” or more to the point ”Bosnian Forces” On August 17 1992 Serbian journalist Branko Elez called Bosnian forces;”Islamic Fundamentalists” ”Islamic Chauvinists” and branded them as”cruel hordes of Alija” (Alija Izetbegovic, the Bosnian president)

Bosnian Army soldiers were referred to as; ”Warriors of Allah” armed by Saddam Hussein, ”conducting a holy war in the name of Islam” even though Saddam Hussein had established a secular dictatorship in Iraq, but that did not matter, most Serbs did not know the nature of Saddam Hussein´s regime, they did however know that he was a Muslim, and an Arab and that would for some be enough. Ironically  Saddam Hussein and Muamar Gadafi had on several occasions  bought weapons and jet engines including  spare parts from Milosevic´s regime and his cronies in Republika Srpska as well as playing host to Vojislav Seselj, the leader of the Serb Radical Party back in 2001 when Seselj along with a delegation from the Serb Radical Party including current Serbian prime minister Aleksandar Vucic visited Iraq.

In June 1993 Swedish journalist Peter Kadhammar traveled to Pale, the former ski-resort that during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina served as war-time capitol of Republika Srpska. Kadhammars first impression of Mladic was that of a commander at the very peak of his power, he exuded self-confidence and it was obvious that he was the most powerful man in the Bosnian Serb Army. “ I am the Cassius Clay of war” he claimed “ I can knock anybody out, but I am a merciful man” According to Kadhammar he loved to talk about his victories and how he back then in 1993 was in the control of the fate of the Bosniak population in Srebrenica. Kadhammar recalls that Mladic as a joke suggested to Kadhammar that the Bosniak (Muslim) population of Bosnia and Herzegovina would be better of relocating the Swedish archipelago, and the world was conspiring against the Serbs. This whole war was a conspiracy against the Serbs. At one point, Kadhammar asked Mladic if he knew how many people had been killed by Mladic´s men in Sarajevo, Mladic´s response was “that those were not people, those are Muslims”

After the Serb takeover of Prijedor, a town in northwest Bosnia, the Serb-controlled media in Prijedor both broadcast and printed media spread stories about non-Serbs, particularly a doctor named Mirsad Mujadzic who was a member of the SDA, the main Bosniak political party in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the reports in the Serb-controlled media, Dr Mujadzic was accused of “injecting drugs into Serb women making them incapable of giving birth to male children” Another doctor, a Croat named Zeljko Sikora referred to as the “Monster Doctor”, was accused of making Serb women abort if they were pregnant with male children and of castrating the male babies of Serb parents.

During the trial of Milomir Stakic, the former mayor of Serb-controlled Prijedor, the Trial Chamber saw proof that the weekly known as “Kozarski Vjesnik” became the voice of the local Serb authorities. The director of “Kozarski Vjesnik” and and “Radio Prijedor” Mile Mutic and journalist Rade Mutic regulary showed up at the meetings of the “Serbian Crisis Staff”, the “National Defence Council,” or the “Executive Committee” During the Stakic trial the prosecution tendered into evidence minutes of the Municipal Board of the SDS in Prijedor from 30 April 1991 session record showed that the Secretary of the Serbian Municipal Assembly, Dusan Baltic, put forward the opinion that “Kozarski Vjesnik” should be brought under the control of the SDS, Radovan Karadzic party. After the Serbian takeover of Prijedor, most of the articles were aimed at discrediting and undermining the credibility of prominent non-Serbs in Prijedor. In an article published on 10th on June 1992 Dr. Osman Mahmuljin (a Bosniak) was accused of deliberately having provided incorrect medical care to his Serb colleague Dr. Zivko Dukic, who had a heart attack. According to Kozarski Vjesnik; Dr. Dukic’s life was saved only because Dr. Radojka Elenkov (Serb) discontinued the therapy allegedly initiated by Dr. Mahmuljin.

Radio Prijedor also broadcasted forged “biographies of prominent non-Serbs”, including Prof. Muhamed Cehajic, Dr. Eso Sadikovic and Dr. Osman Mahmuljin in order to discredit them. According to the Trial Chamber, after the Serb takeover, Radio Prijedor mostly played Serb nationalist songs and broadcast propaganda against the main Bosniak party in Bosnia, the SDA and prominent non-Serbs characterizing them as “criminals and extremists who should be punished for their behavior”

Others frequently interviewed by “Radio Prijedor” were Milan Kovacevic Dusko Tadic and Simo Drljaca. Kovacevic was the President of the Executive Committee of the Municipal Assembly of Prijedor. In 1996 he was indicted by the ICTY for genocide, for complicity in genocide, extermination, persecutions, torture, deportation. For murder; cruel treatment; torture; wanton destruction of cities, towns or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity. For willful killing; torture; willfully causing great suffering; unlawful deportation or transfer; extensive destruction of property and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly. Kovacevic was indicted together with Simo Drljaca, who served as the chief of police in Prijedor. According to the indictment during the period from 30 April 1992 to 31 December 1992 Drljaca was both a member of the municipality of Prijedor Crisis Staff and the Chief of the Public Security Station (SJB) for the municipality of Prijedor.

According to the indictment Kovacevic and Drljaca ordered and implemented a plan designed to expel Bosniak and Croat population from what had been proclaimed to be “Serb Territory” The plan consisted limiting the movement of the Bosniak and Croat populations to their villages, and then ordering or initiating attacks on those areas by combined forces of the 43rd Brigade and other Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) units, Territorial Defence (TO) units from Prijedor, regular and reserve police members from Prijedor, and paramilitary units organized and equipped by the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS).

Those civilians captured in these attacks were usually taken to Omarska, Keraterm or Trnopolje which were called “detention camps” by the authorities but in fact resembled in many ways the  concentration camps set up in WWII by the Nazis, the prisoners in those camps were subjected to daily physical abuse, sexual abuse of both male and female prisoners as well as young girls. Torture and murder were also common place. According to the indictment, Serb forces under the control of the Prijedor Crisis Staff systematically looted and destroyed Bosniak and Croat villages and property, including homes, businesses, mosques and churches. The destruction was so extensive that nothing but portions of buildings and rubble were all that remained in many of villages of the area and not one mosque was left standing in the towns of Prijedor and Kozarac. To the detriment of the victims Milan Kovacevic died in 1998, not having received a verdict. Simo Drljaca, was killed in an attempt to arrest him in 1997 near Omarska.

Dusko Tadic who served as President of the Local Board of the Serb Democratic Party (SDS) in neighboring Kozarac was arrested in Germany in 1994 and transferred to the hague to stand trial, the Trial Chamber found convicted him of “Willful killing; torture or inhuman treatment; wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to body or health” Tadic was also found guilty of participating in the in the forced transfer of civilians into “Detention Camps” or more appropriately concentration camps such as Omarska Trnopolje and Keraterm. The Tadic verdict was also the first legal confirmation that what happened in Bosnia and Herzegovina was indeed and International conflict. The Yugoslav Army was in fact in control of the Bosnian Serb Army, according to the Appeals Chamber verdict ;

Tadic, (Appeals Chamber), July 15, 1999, paras. 156, 162: “It is sufficient to show that [the Yugoslav Army] exercised overall control over the Bosnian Serb Forces. Such control manifested itself not only in financial, logistical and other assistance and support, but also, and more importantly, in terms of participation in the general direction, coordination and supervision of the activities and operations of the VRS [the Army ofthe Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina/Republika Srpska]. This sort of control is sufficient for the purposes of the legal criteria required by international law.” “[F]or the period material to this case (1992), the armed forces of the Republika Srpska were to be regarded as acting under the overall control of and on behalf of the FRY [the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro)]. Hence, even after 19 May 1992 the armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina between the Bosnian Serbs and the central authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina must be classified as an international armed conflict.” See also Tadic, (Appeals Chamber), July 15, 1999, para. 87.

Milomir Stakic who had been the Vice-President of the Prijedor Municipal Assembly as a member of the Serbian Democratic Party, was found guilty of murder, persecution, extermination and deportation, all crimes against humanity. Stakic rose to prominence, during the May 1992 Serb takeover of the municipality of Prijedor. According to the judgement;

the takeover was an illegal coup d’état which had been planned and coordinated for months and which had as its final goal the creation of a Serbian municipality eventually to form part of an envisaged pure Serbian state.
A comprehensive pattern of atrocities amounting to a campaign of a prosecutorial nature was proved to have been committed against non-Serbs in Prijedor municipality in 1992. This included killings on a massive scale in the Omarska, Keraterm and Trnopolje camps, in Bosniak towns and villages throughout the municipality, and, finally, on Mount Vlasic. The Trial Chamber held Dr. Stakic responsible for more than 1,500 killings and was able to identify by name 486 victims. Rapes, sexual assaults and beatings were committed at the camps and at least 20,000 non-Serbs either fled Prijedor or were deported

According to latest statistics 3173 people were killed in Prijedor in 1992, of those 102 were children, the youngest was a three month old baby, many of the children were killed from a close range. A total of 256 women were killed as well during the spring and summer of 1992, the most common killing grounds were the Concentration Camps in Omarska Keraterm and Trnopolje. The Dayton accords placed Prijedor Kozarac as well as Omarska Keraterm and Trnopolje with the entity of Republika Srpska. During the negations in Dayton in November 1995 the Bosnian delegation was forced to halt the Bosnian Army offensive which was in effect routing the Bosnian Serb Army (VRS) the offensive stopped before the Bosnian Army could reach Prijedor, and all chances of recapturing Prijedor as well as Omarska and Trnopolje disappeared of the table.

Today twenty one years after the “ethnic cleansing” and mass murder of several thousand of Prijedors non-Serb inhabitants, albeit mostly Bosniaks, there is not a single monument dedicated to non-Serb victims in urban parts of Prijedor municipality. Today there is however some 60 monuments dedicated to “the soldiers who died in the homeland war, 1991-1995” or that they “courageously died for the fatherland of Republika Srpska” According to Haris Subasic from the Ministry for Issues of Veterans and Disabled Veterans of the Defensive-Liberation War of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) this is due to a culture of denial that shapes the past, present and future memories of the crimes against humanity committed. For example the local government in Prijedor does not allow construction of monuments for non-Serb victims in those areas where Concentration Camps were located, Omarska Trnopolje Keraterm. Excuses used are that it would incite “inter-ethnic hatred” or that “there must be a minimum consensus on it at state level” Bosnia and Herzegovina today has no laws prohibiting genocide denial and the denial of war crimes, most attempts at passing such laws have been obstructed by SNSD, the party of Milorad Dodik.

The most of offensive example of genocide denial in Prijedor and the institutionalized culture of denial that is widespread throughout Republika Srpska is a monument erected at the site of the former concentration camp Trnopolje by the Serb-dominated local government. “The monument for all Serb soldiers who were killed” was erected in close proximity to the infamous concentration camp. Images from Trnopolje together with images from Omarska of have become iconic, in august 1992 as the first reporters were allowed to enter the gulag of concentration camps set by the Bosnian Serbs in the Prijedor area, they broadcasted to the world, the men and women of the concentration camps who were subjected to physical as well as mental abuse on a daily bases, many of the prisoners both male and female were subjected to sexual abuse, murder was commonplace. A female prisoner from Omarska identified only as “J” told Helsinki Watch investigators:

 We saw corpses piled one on top of another…. The bodies eventually were gathered with a forklift and put onto trucks—usually two large trucks and a third, smaller truck. The trucks first would unload containers of food, and then the bodies would be loaded [on]…. This happened almost every day—sometimes there [were]…twenty or thirty—but usually there were more. Most of the deaths occurred as a result of beatings

(See: War Crimes in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Volume II, p. 103)

Ed Vulliamy of The Guardian was the first one in Omarska, describes his first meeting with prisoners of Omarska:

I don´t want to tell any lies, but I cannot tell the truth” says the young man emaciated, sunken-eyed and attacking his watery bean stew like a famished dog, his spindly hands shaking. The guards swinging their machine guns are watching and listening carefully. His name is Sabahudin Elezovic. “Let me eat my lunch first” he says “then I´ll talk” The stew in the aluminum bowl is gone within seconds, showed into his mouth with an old spoon clenched with difficulty by a rangy fist.

This is lunchtime at the Omarska concentration camp or “investigation center” run by the Bosnian Serb police for mainly Muslim internees near Prijedor. The prisoners are horribly thin raw bones; some are almost cadaverous with skin like parchment folded over their bones. Their faces are lantern-jawed and their eyes are haunted by the inimitable empty stare of the prisoner dumb with fear, who has no idea what is going to happen to him next. No one from the red cross the UN or the press has been this far inside the belly of the beast until the day we arrived at Omarska on Wednsday 5 august 1992

(Vulliamy: Seasons in Hell, 1994 Chapter Five, The Camps, Echoes of the Reich, page 98)

Trnopolje concentration camp like Omarska was set up by the Bosnian Serb military and police forces in the village of Trnopolje near Prijedor. Like Omarska the camp served as a prison camp for Bosniak s and Croats, and like Omarska many of the prisoners were subjected to physical and mental abuse. Many were also murdered. Trnopolje produced the most iconic image of the Bosnian genocide, the picture of emaciated prisoner Fikret Alic staring at the cameras behind the barb-wire fence.

Fikret Alic at Trnopolje august 1992
Fikret Alic at Trnopolje august 1992

No memorial has as of yet been erected to the victims of Trnopolje and Omarska, nor do survivors have the right to visit the former concentration camps when they choose, they are only granted access to the camps on the day of commemoration. Not that always happens, this year on May 25th survivor groups were not allowed to gather at the camp, they were not granted access to the camp by the local authorities. But that did not stop the survivors and their family members as well as family members of those that had lost loved ones in the camp. On May 26 about a hundred people gathered in front of the camp in order to commemorate the 21 years since the camps were first set up by the Bosnian Serb military and police forces. Something has however happened, staring last year a campaign under the name Stop Genocide Denial has been working to “to give a voice to victims of mass atrocities from around the world in their struggle for the truth, dignity and remembrance” as they put it. On 31th of May 2012 families of the victims of those killed in the Prijedor area gathered at the event called ‘White Ribbons Day’ the white ribbion, is symbolic, on May 31, 1992 the Bosnian Serb authorities in Prijedor issued a decree for all non-Serbs to mark their houses with white flags or sheets and to wear a white armband if they were to leave their houses.

The gathering had been banned at first by the mayor of Prijedor, Marko Pavic of the SDS, Radovan Karadzic former party. Pavic had expressed concern that the event would “undermine the town’s reputation”. Forgetting that the deaths of over 3000 of the towns citizens has yet to be honored in the town itself and the fact there was no statue or plaque anywhere to the 3173 dead civilians, men women and children. Pavic also objected to the use of the word “genocide” saying that the organizations were “politicizing” the commemoration. Obviously unaware that those that had lost their loved ones in the concentration camps had the right to call the commemoration whatever they wanted, Marko Pavic seemed totally also unaware of the fact that the ICTY had ruled that what had happened in Srebrenica was genocide, and that the International Court of Justice came to the same conclusion as well as the fact that courts in Germany had sentenced Serb paramilitaries for the crime of genocide in other places in Bosnia and Herzegovina. One of those convictions was upheld by the the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. Pavic also seemed unaware that Milomir Stakic who had been the Vice-President of the Prijedor Municipal Assembly as a member of the Serbian Democratic Party, (SDS) was found guilty of murder, persecution, extermination and deportation, all crimes against humanity. Also there was no law in Bosnia and Herzegovina prohibiting victims and survivors from calling the commemoration of their fallen loved ones whatever they wanted. Sadly there is no law against genocide denial and denial of crimes against humanity either in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Though the gathering last year was relatively small, it had brought worldwide attention to the issue of genocide denial in Bosnia and the denial of crimes against humanity in Republika Srpska. The culture of denial has become institutionalized in Republika Srpska so much so that last year Amnesty International reported that the police in Prijedor had banned s march to commemorate the International Human Rights Day without giving any valid reason as to why they would do something like that. If the gathering in Prijedor last year was humble, the same cannot be said for the turn out this year, on May 31 hundreds of activists, from across Bosnia and Herzegovina, survivors and family members of the victims showed up at the town square in Prijedor. Bosnians from all across Bosnia had to show their support with citizens of Prijedor, the victims, the survivors and their families as the support from the world was pouring in. Marko Pavic true to form dismissed the fact Bosnians, now even across ethnic lines were starting to take a stand against genocide denial and the denial of war crimes and crimes against humanity. His responsse to the gathering of Bosnians in Prijedor was to dismiss it by calling it “nothing more then a gay pride parade” that kind of horrible homophobic remark shows the nature of the political scene in Republika Srpska, Pavic was simply trying win points with his racist, nationalist and above all homophobic constituance. For if the rights of victims of genocide and crimes agianst humanity rank low on the list of concerns in a Bosnia and Herzegovina imprisoned by Dayton, then the rights of the LGBT Community are non-existent. Sadly when it comes to the question of denying war crimes and genocide denial in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it does seem that Bosniaks have to face that struggle, despite positive signs from Prijedor for the time being anyway, more or less alone. Hopefully that will change in time.

When it comes to the ICTY, I have to admit to being a bit disillusioned to put it mildly, some have argued that after latest string of acquittals of high ranking officers by The Hague, most prominently Momcilo Perisic-Jovica Stanisic and Franko Simatovic, that the legal record does not match the historical one. Well yes, sadly that is true. will say this; the ICTY has during its 20 years of existence compiled an enormous amount of documentation and above all evidence of who did what. The fact that the Trial Chamber could not convict those three men, does not mean that they are innocent, it means that the prosecutions case did not meet the current legal standards. Nor does it mean that crimes were not committed. However, when it comes to Stanisic and Simatovic, the reasoning of the court is astonishing, the standards set are ridiculosly high. In the case of Stanisic and Simatovic, as Eric Gordy points out; “The tormented reasoning of the tribunal’s 800-page verdict offers some fascinating reading: It affirms that crimes were committed and describes them in excruciating detail. It names the victims, names the perpetrators, and in most cases details the connections between the accused parties and the direct perpetrators. Then it declines to convict, on the ground that the evidence does not show that the support provided to the criminals was “specifically directed towards the commission of the crimes.”

One of the great achivments of the Perisic trial was that for the first time, we could see how the the Yugoslav Supreme Defense Council worked and those that were a part of it, including Momcilo Perisic, Zivota Panic, Blagoje Adzic, Momir Bulatovic, Dobrica Cosic, Radoje Kontic, as well as of course Slobodan Milosevic. We could also see how the support system created by the JNA and later VJ worked to enable the Bosnian Serb and Krajina Serb or “Croatian Serb” rebel armies to continiue fighting and that without the financial military and logistical support from Belgrade those two entities would crumble within weeks. They were in fact completely dependent on Belgrade and Serbia.

In most cases the paper trail leads to Knin, Pale, Belgrade and as we could recently see in the guilty verdicts of the Herceg Bosna six, to Zagreb as well, as Franjo Tudjman Janko Bobetko and Gojko Susak were all found to be guilty albeit posthumously of being a part of Joint Crminal Enterprise in regards to the crimes of the HVO and the Croatian Army in Herzegovina and central Bosnia.

History is written by historians, not by politicians. As I wrote above one of the great, if overlooked, achievements of the ICTY is the astonishing trove of documents and other evidence assembled by researchers and prosecutors. Now 20 years after the war in the former Yugoslavia there is a an abundance material on the breakup of Yugoslavia, some of it is good some poor and some of it great, above people like Tim Judah, Josip Glaurdic, Marko Attila Hoare, Roy Gutman, David Rhode, Christopher Hitchens, Ed Vulliamy, Michael A. Sells, Stjepan G. Mestrovic, David Rieff, Chuck Sudetic, Michael Libal, Brendan Simms and others have written extensively about the breakup of Yugoslavia and the war and genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Now it is up to us to honor the memory of the victims of the Bosnian genocide by fighting the deniers and revisionists, at every turn not only with the verdicts, of which there are many. Most of the political and military leadership of Republika Srpska have been found guilty of persecution, based on ethnic or religous ground, of murder, and genocide. People like Biljana Plavsic, Momcilo Krajisnik, Dragomir Milosevic Stanislav Galic, Mico Stanisic, Radislav Krstic Dusko Tadic, Milomir Stakic… We must also fight the deniers with the facts, with the truth. We must safeguard the memory of our brothers, sisters, mothers, fathers, uncles, grandfathers, cousins, friends, lovers, husbands, wifes. All those killed in Srebrenica, Prijedor, Visegrad, Vlasenica, Rudo, Mostar, Ljubuski, Sanski Most, Bjeljina, Brcko, Cajnicje, Rogatica, Stolac, Sarajevo, Kozarac, Bratunac, Foca, Ahmici, Omarska, Trnopolje…

Professor Reunald de la Brosse´s rapport on Milosevic´s political propaganda and the Plan to Create a State for all Serbs is split in five seperate parts. Here are all five parts:

Part 1 Part 2 Part 3 Part 4 part 5

Nationalism Separatism Rasism Folkmord och ”Boss Mile”

Potocari 10 juli 2012
Potocari 10 juli 2012

Efter de bosniska lokalvalen i oktober så uttryckte jag vad man skulle kunna kalla för försiktig optimism om man den politiska låsningen som har förlamat Bosnien Hercegovina i över sex år nu var äntligen på väg att släppa. Optimism för att den serbiske nationalisten och separatisten Milorad Dodik och hans parti led en valförlust i oktober, Dodik har sedan han kom till makten i den bosniska entiten RS (Republika Srpska) varit ett splittrande element i bosnisk politik. Efter oktobervalen så hade hans parti SNSD (de oberoende socialdemokraterna) förlorat i över tjugo kommuner. Politiska analytiker i Bosnien tolkade hans nederlag som ett bakslag för Dodiks nationalistiska politik som på sex år har inte på någon sätt medverkat till att faktiskt förbättra situationen för medborgare i Bosnien som helhet. Försiktighet pga. att Daytonavtalet och uppdelningen i två entiteter har lämnat landet lamslaget men framför allt så har den författning som kom till som en följd av Dayton kunnat missbrukas av korrupta politiker, Dayton var aldrig tänkt som en permanent lösning utan som en temporär lösning som skulle kunna garantera stabilitet genom en övergångsperiod i ett land som hade slitits sönder genom en aggression där Belgrad med stöd av bosnienserbiska nationalister ledda av Radovan Karadzic och hans militära ledare Ratko Mladic på ena sidan och kroatiska nationalister som fick moralisk och logistisk stöd från Kroatiens president Franjo Tudjman.

Det är svårt att peka några förbättringar som har skett sedan Dodik kom till makten i RS. Hans nationalistiska retorik och hans flört med Belgrad har vunnit röster bland hårdföra serbiska nationalister däremot så har det förutom handskakningar och fototillfällen inte faktiskt medfört någonting positivt för regionen. Serbiska ekonomer som har analyserat det avtal som RS slöt med Belgrad redan 2006 har inte lett till någonting konkret, däremot så har det försämrat relationerna mellan Sarajevo och Belgrad, relationer som Belgrad borde sikta på att förbättra med tanke på att Serbien låg bakom aggressionen mot staten Bosnien Hercegovina, en aggression som syftade till att dela upp Bosnien och länka ihop dessa områden med områden som man hade erövrat i Kroatien. Det är frustrerande att ständigt behöva gå tillbaka till kriget på 90-talet men för att kunna förstå dagens situation i Bosnien så ter det sig närmast oundvikligt att man tar sig tillbaka till krigsåren.

Slutgiltiga målet med den serbiska krigsföringen i Bosnien men också Kroatien var att skapa ”en stat för serber” ett etnisk ren stat, med andra ord ett ”Storserbien” och i praktiken innebär det påtvingad massdeportation av icke serbisk befolkning d.v.s. ”etnisk resning” som innebär att man skapade en tillvaro för dessa människor som gjorde det omöjligt för de att stanna kvar, terror var redskapen man använde för att uppnå dessa mål, tusentals människor främst bosniaker, mörades i städer runt om i Bosnien främst östra och nordöstra Bosnien som blev snabbt offer för ett kampanj i vilken den dåvarande jugoslaviska armén och diverse paramilitära grupperingar från Serbien, med moralisk ekonomisk och logistisk stöd från Belgrad gick över gränsen för vad som var då ett internationellt erkänd stat och begick systematiska övergrepp mot den då främst bosniakiska befolkningen, tusentals människor mördades och tusentals fler fördrevs, där våldtäktsläger och koncentrationsläger inrättades och ett icke-laglig bosnienserbisk rebellarmé som under kontroll av Belgrad ( för att inte tala om den militära, ekonomiska, och framförallt moraliska och logistiska stöd den bosnienserbiska rebellarmén åtnjöt från Belgrad) initierade en tre och halv år lång terrorkampanj mot civilbefolkningen i städer som Sarajevo Bihac Srebrenica Zepa Gorazde som kulminerade med folkmord i Srebrenica och Zepa i juli 1995. Under snart 16 år har det i över 160 rättegångar kommit fram med all tydlighet att kriget i Bosnien och folkmordet på bosniaker som var slutresultatet av denna krigsföring samt aggressionen mot staten Kroatien planlades och sattes i verk med moralisk, materiell och finansiellt stöd från Belgrad.

Rättegången mot förre detta stabchefen för det gamla jugoslaviska armén Momcilo Perisic visade att han agerade som samordnare och den som framförde Krajina serbernas och bosnienserbernas rebellarmé krav om diverse form av stöd till Belgrad. 2007 så fann ICJ (The International Court of Justice) också i Haag att Serbien var skyldig till att ha undlåtit att förhindra folkmordet i Srebrenica. ICJ kom fram då till att Serbien och dess regering inte hade använt sig av sitt inflytande över bosnienserberna för att förhindra folkmordet i Srebrenica. Vidare så har man i Haag fastslagit att det som pågick i Bosnien Hercegovina har en internationell konflikt, internationell på det sättet att flera olika länder hade väpnade styrkor på mark som aktivt deltog i strider i Bosnien Hercegovina. ( FN-trupper räknas inte)

Det glöms väldigt ofta att den bosniska armén var den enda legitima väpnade styrkan i den här konflikten, de olika kroatiska förband som fanns på plats samt den serbiska rebellarmén var inte internationellt erkända väpnade styrkor. De sakande legitimitet och det visades också i Dayton då istället för Radovan Karadzic och Mate Boban, så fick Slobodan Milosevic och Franjo Tudjman förhandla med den bosniske presidenten Alija Izetbegovic som var den ende internationellt erkände ledaren, Karadzic och Boban får i allt väsentligt räknas som rebelledare eller separatister.

2006 publicerade Human Rights Watch en av de mest komprehensiva studier som har gjorts om kriget i Bosnien och ICTY:s arbete och man kom fram till inte mindre än fem domar där man kom fram till att väpnade styrkor från antigen Kroatien eller Serbien fanns på plats i Bosnien trots att de hade inga som helst skäl till det, enligt internationellt lag så räknas det som angrepp mot ett lands suveränitet att ha ett annat lands armé på sitt territorium. Det måste också tilläggas att studien publicerades 2006, detta var innan domen mot Momcilo Perisic. I domen mot Dusan Tadic från 1999 så skrev tribunalen bla;

man kan visa att den jugoslaviska armén hade kontroll över de bosnienserbiska styrkorna, kontrollen manifesterades genom bla finansiellt och logistisk stöd men också och det är kanske det viktigaste av allt, den allmänna riktningen i vilken den bosnienserbiska rebellarmén tog, koordination och allmänna tillsyn av dess aktiviter och stridsoperationer 

En sammanfattning av alla fem domar kan hittas här på Srebrenica Genocide Blog. Serbiens relation till Bosnien efter Dayton kan inte klassas som vänskaplig eller produktiv, Serbiens president Slobodan Milosevic greps 2000 och fördes till Haag, där han åtalades för bla brott begångna i Bosnien, däribland folkmord i sju bosniska kommuner.

Milosevic dog 2006 innan domen kom, ett dom hade kunnat bana vägen för en mer vänskaplig relation men framför allt så hade den hjälpt såren läka och sett till att offren och de anhöriga hade fått se en av krigets arkitekter få den dom han förtjänade. Tyvärr så uteblev det, och man kan inte påstå att Serbien har på allvar tagit itu med sitt förflutna. Man såg till att skydda bla Ratko Mladic och Radovan Karadzic, och man höll undan viktigt bevismaterial från Haagtribunalen. Bevismaterial som hade kunnat hjälpa Bosnien i dess fall mot Serbien i ICJ, sammanträdesprotokoll från den dåvarande jugoslaviska försvarsrådet, ett råd där Serbiens högsta militära och politiska ledare deltog. Det hade också kunnat användas mot en rad åtalade i Haag däribland Slobodan Milosevic, man hade också kunnat väcka åtal mot de högsta serbiska militära och politiska ledare som deltog beslutsprocessen och därmed gjorde sig medskyldiga till de brott som begicks i Bosnien och Kroatien.

Faktum är att många av huvudarkitekterna för det lidande som den storserbiska projektet åsamkade civilbefolkningen i Kroatien och Bosnien Hercegovina. Personer som Blagoje Adzic, Zivota Panic, Momir Bulatovic, Zoran Lilic, Veljko Kadijevic och Dobrica Cosic och en lång rad andra figurer som hjälpte till att utforma den storserbiska stridsplanen. Förutom försöken att komma undan med skulden för vad som hände i framför allt Bosnien så har man aktivt försökt jämställa angripare och försvarare.

I maj 2010 så greps Ejup Ganic på Heathrow på den serbiska regeringens begäran som ville få honom utelämnad till Serbien för att ställas inför rätt för mord på jugoslaviska soldater i maj 1992 efter den misslyckade kuppen mot den bosniska regeringen. För många var detta bara en fortsättning mot serbiska aggressionen mot staten Bosnien Hercegovina, en aggression som förs på flera olika plan. I maj 2010 så greps Ganic i London, och fick tillbringa fem månader i London i väntan på att brittiska domstolar skulle avgöra hans öde. I slutändan visade sig att det enda han hade gjort sig skyldig till var att; han försvarade sitt land den 2-3 maj 1992 mot en invasion som skulle starta med en statskupp där Bosniens huvudstad skulle intas, delas och dess ledare fängslas, alternativt avrättas. Sarajevo utsattes för ett fullskaligt offensiv den 2 maj 1992, ledaren för offensiven var general Milutin Kukanjac och hans Sarajevo- baserade andra militärdistrikt som hade en garnison i staden, i stadsdelen Bistrik samt Marsalk Tito barackerna i staden och därifrån började jugoslaviska soldater ge sig ut mot stadens centrum och attackera strategiska mål så som huvudpostkontoret som sattes i brand, regeringsbyggnaden, stadshuset, och andra viktiga objekt kom under attack inifrån staden medan jugoslaviskt artilleri gav understöd och bombarderade staden från bergen ovan.

Samma dag greps Bosniens president Alija Izetbegovic av den jugoslaviska armén när han landade på Sarajevos flygplats. Den jugoslaviska armén hade tagit över flygplatsen och nu hade man Bosniens statschef i förvar. Detta var en attack mot ett suvären stat, den jugoslaviska armén hade ingen legitimitet längre i Bosnien och dess rörelser runt om i Sarajevo var starkt begränsade, det som hände 2 maj var ett angepp mot ett legitimt och demokratisk vald regering. Som tur var så lyckade stadens försvarare bekämpa Milutin Kukanjac andra armékår och omringa de i Bistrik. Sarajevos smala gränder gav försvarana övertaget mot Milutin Kukanjac andra armékår.

Domstolen i London som fick avgöra Ganic öde, d.v.s ifall denne skulle utelämnas till Serbien kom fram att det fanns inga bevis att Ganic hade begått de brott som han åtalades för, istället kom domaren Timothy Workman fram till att den serbiska åklagaren som utfärdade arresteringsordern gjorde det på politisk grund. Enligt Workman så var det som hände i själva verket ett missbruk av det brittiska rättssystemet (”an abuse of British legal process”.) Enligt Workman så var det hela ett politiskt spel, det visade sig att Belgrad hade utfärdat arresteringsordern för att kunna använda det i en kohandel med Sarajevo.

Håll i er nu; Serbien skulle dra tillbaka sin begäran ifall Ejup Ganic ställdes inför rätta i Sarajevo för brott begångna maj 1992 och ifall den bosniska regieringen inte protesterade mot den deklaration som det serbiska parlamentet antog om Srebrenica, där man fördömde ”massakern” men uttryckligen undvek använda orden FOLKMORD. Enligt Workman så var detta bara ett bevis för hur lite respekt Serbien hade för det brittska rättsystemet.

Den 15 augusti skrev den förre EU-representanten i Bosnien, tysken Christian Schwarz-Schilling ett debattinlägg i tyska dagstidningen Süddeutsche Zeitung där han förklarade vad det var som egentligen låg bakom gripandet av Ejup Ganic, förutom den ovannämnda kohandeln så tog Schilling upp det aldrig besegrade serbiska nationalismen. Enligt honom så är största problemet i regionen just det faktum att Serbien aldrig har förlikat sig med sitt förflutna, och lagt den bakom sig, istället försöker man fortfarande påverka den politiska situationen i Bosnien och Kosovo. Schilling nämner den ideologiska rigiditeten hos den politiska och akademiska eliten. Många av dessa människor spelade framträdande roll under de mörka åren på 90-talet då Serbien gjorde sig skyldig till aggression mot flera av sina grannländer, däribland Bosnien. Då det stod klart att Ganic skulle släppas så orsakade det ett ramaskri i bla serbiska medier, det serbiska radikala partiet Vojislav Seseljs parti, men också i den serbiska regieringen där dåvarande presidenten Boris Tadic utrikesministern Vuk Jeremic men också Milorad Dodik gjorde sitt bästa för att presentera detta som ännu en anti-serbisk konspiration där man helt struntade i att faktiskt nämna att domstolen i London tittade noga på bevisningen man fick från Belgrad och att Ejup Ganic tillbringade fem månader i London under den bisarra rättsprocess, där man inte kunde hitta några som helst bevis utan konstaterade istället att den serbiska begäran var politiskt motiverad.

Tyvärr så tar det inte slut där, i mars 2011 så greps den pensionerade bosniske generalen Jovan Divjak på flygplatsen i Wien, den österrikiska polisen agerade på en efterlysning från Interpol. Det visade sig att den serbiska åklagarmyndigheten hade återigen utfärdat en arresteringsorder mot en av de som var inblandade i försvaret av den bosniska huvudstaden 2-3 maj 1992. I fall gripandet av Ejup Ganic sågs av de insatta som ett politisk motiverad så kan gripandet av Jovan Divjak endast ses som Kafka liknande mardröm. Civil Rights Defenders Robert Hårdh konstaterade  på sin blogg att detta var fjärde gången i rad som den serbiska åklagarmyndigheten med politik och inte juridik för ögonen.Enligt Robert Hårdh så hade ICTY hade redan 2003 kommit fram till att det fanns inga skäl till att väcka åtal mot Divjak. Enligt ett avtal som ingicks i Rom 1996, mellan Serbien Bosnien och Kroatien för att undvika politiskt motiverade arresteringar och åtal i Bosnien-Hercegovina, får inte rättsväsendet i Bosnien-Hercegovina och Republika Srpska väcka åtal annat än i de fall där åklagarkammaren vid ICTY har gett klartecken. Även Natasha Kandic huvudansvarig för Belgrad baserade- Humanitarian Law Fund säger att det är svårt att förstå hur Divjak kunde ha gripits ett år efter att fallet mot Ejup Ganic lades ner, enligt henne är det uppenbart att beslutet att gå vidare är politiskt motiverad.

Den bosniske journalisten Omar Karabeg flög i mars 2011 till Wien för att prata med general Divjak som var förskansad i den bosniska ambassaden medan den österrikiska rättvisan avgjorde hans öde, likheterna med fallet Ejup Ganic var slående

Divijaks version skiljer sig väsentligt från det serbiska åklagarämbetets version. Enligt Divjak så försökte den dåvarande jugoslaviska armén ta kontrollen över staden. Det bosniska territorialförsvaret hade försatt i blockad hela sex armébaser i Sarajevo och det var tänkt att den jugoslaviska armén skulle lämna staden och Bosnien i slutet av maj 92. I slutet av april så kom den jugoslaviska arméledningen i staden överens med den bosniska regieringen om att den jugoslaviska armén inte skulle få röra sig fritt runt om i stan, förutom ambulanser och mattransport då armébaserna saknade egna kök för bespisning av de soldater som fanns där. Allt skulle först behöva godkänns av de lokala myndigheterna. Artilleriattacken mot staden började 2 maj kl 3 på morgonen och varade i två timmar, målet var presidentbyggnaden och stadkärnan, särskilt gamla stan och nyare delar av Sarajevo.

Målet med artilleriattacken var att bana vägen för ett markoffensiv. Samma morgon utsattes postbyggnaden för sabotage. Det var ett insidejobb, som gjorde att 60 000 telefonlinjer i gamla stan kapades, vilket gjorde det omöjligt för territorialförsvaret att hålla kontakt med resten av sina enheter i gamla stan. Enligt Divjak så fanns det ett antal jugoslaviska arméenheter ute på gatorna i Sarajevo och de kom från olika håll, från Bistrik, från armébasen i Lukavica, Marsalk Tito barackerna inne i stan. 29 april hade en specialtrupp från Nis, Serbien anlänt till Sarajevo och förskansade sig i en armébyggnad bara ett par hundra meter från presidentbyggnaden. De jugoslaviska trupper som befann sig ute på gatorna hamnade snart i strid med olika grupper av försvarare, däribland territorialförsvaret, gröna baskrar, polisens anti-terrorist styrka och andra grupper.

Enligt Divjak så backade de jugoslaviska enheterna då de stötte på motstånd, med största sannolikhet så hade man underskattat motståndet.
Det verkar som om tanken var att ett antal elitenheter som den från Nis skulle göra grovjobbet, man lastade ett antal pansarfordon fulla med elitsoldater och begav sig mot gamla stan och räknade med att det skulle räcka med överraskningsmomentet, man skulle inta presidentbyggnaden och gripa regeringsmedlemmarna samtidigt som de övriga enheter som var utspridda över stan skulle aktiveras och inta strategiska mål runt om i Sarajevo och i ett enda slag göra slut på den nyfödda staten. Istället så hamnade man i eldstrid och det hade man inte räknat med, hela förvärrades av det faktum att för att hjälpa de elittrupper som nu var belägrade så sickades ut nya som i sin tur hamnade i den pågående eldstriden samtidigt som den jugoslaviska arméns artilleri besköt staden från bergen ovan.

Enligt Divjak så var det omöjligt för någon att ge order om en attack mot kolonnen, just för att det var svårt att samordna någonting alls och för att det fanns ett antal grupper försvarare som hade spontant samlats i gamla stan den 2-3 maj just för att stoppa den jugoslaviska armén från att inta presidentbyggnaden. Divjak tror också att det hela kunde ha undvikits, ifall den jugoslaviska armén inte börjat granatera staden och bege sig med pansarfordon fullastade med soldater och vapen mot Sarajevos gamla stan och bla presidentbyggnaden. Man borde inte heller ha granaterat staden från bergen och saboterat huvudpostkontoret. Gripandet av president Izetbegovic som var ett statschef samt den avtalade utväxlingen borde inte heller ha skett, den jugoslaviska armén hade ingen rätt att kvarhålla Izetbegovic. De borde överhuvudtaget inte befunnits ute på gatorna, enligt det avtal som man hade slutit. Vad gjorde den jugoslaviska armén 2 maj 1992?

Ett år tidigare, 2010 då Ejup Ganic greps rapporterade Roy Gutman att juridikexperter ansåg att ifall Serbien hade nya bevis mot Ganic så borde man vänt sig till Haagtribunalen, eftersom de har hand om brott begångna under de olika krigen i forna Jugoslavien. Däremot så skriver Gutman att det skulle vara lönlöst då Haagtribunalen har redan undersökt fallet med de döda jugoslaviska soldaterna och kom fram till att skulden ligger hos den jugoslaviska armén som bröt mot det avtal som hade ingåtts om en fångutväxling där president Izetbegovic skulle friges mot att Kukanjac fick fri lejd ur Sarajevo. Enligt de dokument som Gutman hade fått se så ansåg tribunalen att de bosniska styrkorna hade all laglig rätt att attackera konvojen, då konvojen utgjorde ett findestyrka.

Historikern Branka Magas skrev 2010 att gripandet av Ganic var bara ett första steg i Belgrads plan att åtala alla medlemmar av det bosniska presidentskapet vilket i sin tur skulle göra varje bosnier som slogs för sitt land medskyldig. Genom att väcka åtal mot Ganic (och sen också mot Divjak) så har Serbien brutit mot den så kallade Rom-avtalet från 1996 som skrevs under av Bosnien Kroatien och Serbien, den så kallade ”Rules of the road” innebär att dessa länder har skyldighet att först vända sig till Haagtribunalen innan man väcker åtal, i fallet Ganic så struntade Serbien att göra det och gjorde sig skyldigt för brott mot internationell lag. I Bosnien, bosniakiska kroatiska men även serbiska medlemar av det krigstida bosniska presidentskapet fördömde Ganics gripande som de såg som ett sätt för Serbien att kriminalisera den Bosniska statens motstånd mot Serbiens aggression 1992-95.

Ivo Komšic, (Kroat) liksom Ganic medlem av Bosniens krigstida presidentskap, sa till lokala medier att: “detta är ett försök att visa att försvar mot angrepp är ett brott. Det är chockerande att se en respekterad medlem av det internationella samfundet som Storbritannien gå med på det. ”Mirko Pejanovic, (Serb) en annan medlem i krigstid presidentskap instämde: “utfärdande av arresteringsorder för gripandet av försvarare av Sarajevo och Bosnien-Hercegovina är ett försök från Serbien att revidera historien och att presentera kriget i vårt land som ett inbördeskrig där alla parter var lika skyldiga” Pejanovic uttryckte sin oro för effekten som Ganic gripande skulle ha för Bosniens inre stabilitet”, Man kan bara undra varför de brittiska myndigheterna har tillåtit sig att engagera sig i Serbiens farliga spel.”

Frågan måste ställas varför vill då Serbien ha Ganic och sen Divjak utlämnade? Varför är Ejup Ganic som inte längre spelar någon roll i bosnisk politik så viktig, han spelade visserligen en roll i försvaret av Bosnien under kriget 1992-95 ett krig som startades av Serbien och Milosevic. Det enkla svaret är att man gör det av rädsla. De nationalister som tog över makten i landet efter kommunismens fall är fortfarande där, de flesta i alla fall och enligt Branka Magas är de rädda för att de har under en väldigt lång tid försökt bygga ett bi-polär bild av Serbien och dess historia, en historia i vilken den ena polen står för ett slags helgonliknande oskyldig serbisk nation som lever under ständigt hot från sina grannar som representerar den andra polen. Tron som skiljer sig från den ortodox-kristna och västvärlden generellt representerar också ett hot. Den bilden som fortfarande delas av många serber både i Serbien men framförallt i den serbiska diasporan, har sett den bilden naggas ordentligt i kanten av de mängder av brott som begick under framförallt Bosnien-kriget.

Faktum kvarstår att Serbien inledde vad Magas beskriver som ”folkmordiska krig” (genocidal wars) under samma tid som den europeiska kontineten i övrigt befann sig i fred och sen när allt var sagt och gjort så insåg man att de brott som man hade begått kunde inte sopas under mattan. Ändå sedan ICTY och ICJ (International Court of Justice) kom fram till att serbiska styrkor begick folkmord i Bosnien så har den serbiska regieringen levt under fruktan att den bilden som landets politiska elit hade försökt skapa under en väldigt lång tid skulle för all tid förstöras.
Det räcker med att man citerar den serbiska nationalismens guru, Dobrica Cosic som skrev i den serbiska tidningen Pecat (februari 2010) att Serbien borde aldrig acceptera ”lögnen om ett folkmord” därför att det skulle göra Serbien till en nation skyldig till folkmord, samma som Tyskland. Serbien lyckades kringgå ICJ som kom fram till att Serbien var ”bara” skyldigt till att inte ”lyckats förhindra” folkmordet i Srebrenica. Domstolen hade förlitat sig på bevisning som hade överförts från ICTY som också ligger i Haag. Bevisning som hade till stora delar censurerats av dåvarande chefåklagaren Carla Del Ponte som ingick i en politisk kohandel med Belgrad. (min anmärkning)

Belgrad har genom åren lyckats utveckla en komplicerad strategi för att förhindra tribunalen från att göra sitt arbete. I den strategi ingår bland annat att dra ut de olika processerna så långt det går, taktik som lyckades för bla Slobodan Milosevic som dog innan man han döma honom.

Även Radovan Karadzic och Vojislav Seselj har tillämpat samma strategi, man har också förlitat sig på vad Magas kallar för ett politiskt försvar, man har som i Seseljs fall hotat vittnen, man har frånhållit viktigt bevismaterial från tribunalen, som i fallet med Carla Del Ponte som jag tog upp tidigare. Från start så har Belgrad tillämpat en policy där man har försökt jämna ut skuldfrågan, (a policy of equalisation) genom att hävda att alla parter är lika skyldiga, Karadzic har byggt hela sitt försvar kring det, en av hans försvarspunkter är att det är bosniaker som startade kriget och att den bosniska armén sköt väldigt ofta mot egna civila och skyllde sen serberna. Man måste också lägga märke till det faktum att Belgrad är mer bekymrad över förlusten av sex JNA soldater, (och inte civila offer) samt att Belgrad har lagt sitt hela fokus på Bosnien Hercegovina.

Anledningen till det är att två internationella domstolar har kommit fram till att soldater som delvis fick sin utbildning, vapen, lön och andra förmåner genom Belgrad har gjort sig skyldiga till folkmord i Bosnien. Gripandet av Ejup Ganic (och Jovan Divijak) borde ses som en del av den planen att försöka revidera historien och skapa en alternativ tolkning av vad som skedde under den serbiska aggressionen mot Bosnien Hercegovina.

Om detta får fortsätta obehindrat kan det hända att Serbiens aggression mot Bosnien Hercegovina kan ses som rättfärdigad och de vidriga brott som begicks under aggressionen mer ”lättbegripliga” När det gäller Bosnien får man inte glömma att Serbien har intresse av se till att brotten som begicks där och den serbiska aggressionen mot Bosnien ses med ”mildare ögon” pga. Republika Srpska Serbien är ansvarig för dess skapande och under kriget såg till att hålla den vid liv genom stöd i form av vapen, ammunition, manskap, pengar och annat logistiskt stöd. Man får inte glömma att Republika Srpska skulle ingå i ett betydligt större projekt. Ett projekt som omfattade hela östra och nordöstra Bosnien samt västra Slavonien(Kroatien) och Krajina regionen i också Kroatien, med andra ord; Storserbien. Det finns ingen tvekan att Republika Srpkas redan nu starkt ifrågasatta legitimitet skulle drabbas av ännu ett bakslag ifall Radovan Karadzic skulle förklaras skyldig till folkmord och Serbiens roll i folkmordet skulle nu äntligen bli ett juridisk faktum.

Det är ingen slump att det fördes en häftig debatt 2010 i Serbien, (samma år som Ganic greps) om det deklaration som Serbiens parlament skulle anta om att äntligen kalla det som hände i Srebrenica vid dess rätta namn; folkmord. Det skulle varit ett farlig steg för Serbien enligt en av nationalisternas favorit akademiker och filosofer, Radomir Antic som skrev (i dagstidningen Vreme 4 februari 2010) att det skulle i praktiken innebära att Belgrad skulle acceptera sin roll och det kollektiva skuld man bär för brott begångna i Bosnien under kriget.

Samtidigt som debatten fördes i Serbien så antog den dåvarande regieringen i RS en resolution där det stod att det som hände i Srebrenica var inte folkmord. Man kom genast under hårt kritik från OHR (Office of the High Representative) som klart och tydligt fördömde Milorad Dodiks regiering och dess resolution och sa bestämt att det man gjorde var att på ett medvetet sätt förvränga juridisk och historisk fakta som har etablerats genom otaliga rättegångar, vittnesmål, DNA, otvetydiga bevis om avsikt och planering av folkmord.

Det RS vill enligt OHR vara i slutändan propagera dessinformaton med avsikten att förmörka sanningen. OHR fortsätter med att säga även om det finns ett stort antal historierevisionister vars uppgift är att förneka grundläggande sanningar om Srebrenica så kan det dels inte ändra att det som hände i Srebrenica var folkmord dels så disskrediterar det RS genom att på ett okänsligt och kall sätt bortser ifrån den katastrofala inverkan folkmordet i Srebrenica har haft på området och på de anhöriga och överlevande. Erkännandet och acceptans av det faktum att folkmord skedde i Srebrenica är väsentligt för alla samhällen. Framförallt ett samhälle i vilken namn brotten begicks. Det är därför viktigt att belysa bla att: Genom att avfärda beslut och undersökningar av både den internationella domstolen (ICJ) och Internationella tribunalen för f.d. Jugoslavien (ICTY) som fastslog att det som tog plats i Srebrenica i juli 1995 folkmord; så gör sig RS skyldig till att förkasta rättsstaten. ICTY har förklarat att de brott som begicks i Srebrenica är så hemska att de trotsar beskrivning och visar återigen människan förmåga till brutalitet under påfrestningar av konflikten. Vidare så har man genom sin vägran att tillsätta en representant till Srebrenica-Potocari Memorial Stiftelsen har medvetet uteblivit ur stiftelsens beslutsfattande organ och ansträngningar att jobba för försoning i Bosnien Hercegovina.

Den 5 juli 2012 rapporterade den amerikanska publikationen Foregin Policy i samarbete med U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum och deras Mladic Files att Milorad Dodik har gett mer än 1 milijon dollar till någonting som heter ”The Srebrenica Historical Project” under loppet av fem år. Enligt Foregin Policy så är ”The Srebrenica Historical Project” ett lysskygg organisation som består av ett antal pseudo-experter som och leds av en självutnämnd advokat från USA med serbiskt påbrå som heter Stephan (Stefan) Karganovic. Än så länge har varken Karganovic eller ”The Srebrenica Historical Project” lyckats bevisa någonting i de rättegångar där deras vittnen har medverkat. Enligt Foregin Policy så är det som är mest alarmerande med Stephan Karganovic är inte att det finns människor där ute som hävdar att svart är vitt, utan att den här industrin finansieras av bosnienserbiska myndigheter. Man skulle kunna säga så här, tänk er om den tyska regieringen och parlamentet kom överens om att varje år avsätta en viss summa till förintelseförnekaren David Irving och hans ”forskning”

Milorad Dodik vet att Republika Srpskas överlevnad hänger till en stor del på om honom och hans åsiktsfränder i Serbien och deras förmåga att samla kring sig nationalistiska krafter både i Bosnien och Serbien, och om de lyckas förminska vikten av de brott som begicks i Republika Srpskas namn.

 

Mirza Hota -Bosnienbloggen