Open Letter To ICTY President Theodor Meron


The Old bridge ( Na Drini Cuprija) Višegrad
The Old bridge ( Na Drini Cuprija) Višegrad


This is a guest post by professor David Pettigrew.

Dear President Meron:

I am writing to you to express a grave concern about the ICTY’s prosecution of Mr. Radovan Karadžić, particularly regarding the removal of Višegrad and other municipalities from the indictment.

Approximately one year ago, on July 11, 2013, the Appeals Chamber reversed the Trial Chamber’s acquittal of Mr. Karadžić for genocide in the municipalities named under Count 1 of the indictment, and reinstated the charges against Mr. Karadžić under Count 1.1

The Appeals Chamber noted that “statements on the record … suggest that Karadžić possessed genocidal intent. For example, Mr. Karadžić is alleged to have said that his goal was ‘to get rid of the enemies in our house, the Croats and Muslims, and not to be in the same state with them [anymore]’ and that if war started in Bosnia, Muslims would disappear and be annihilated.”2

Thus, with the reinstatement of the charges under Count 1, it appeared that Mr. Karadžić would be prosecuted for the crime of genocide for atrocities committed in municipalities such as Prijedor and Višegrad, and that, through the legal process, there would be the possibility of a conviction for genocide under Count 1.

Moreover, the reinstatement of Count 1 for genocide was profoundly significant since, as the Appeals Chamber Judgement Summary stated, “the case concerns events that occurred between 31 March 1992 and 31 December 1992 in certain municipalities of Bosnia and Herzegovina claimed as Bosnian Serb territory…”3 In other words, the area “claimed as Bosnian Serb territory” was nothing other than the territory that is known as “Republika Srpska.” Accordingly, in the event that there is a conviction on the charge of genocide under Count 1, there would be confirmation that genocide was not only committed in Srebrenica, but that the genocidal intent of Mr. Karadžić pertained to the entirety of the territory of Republika Srpska. The profoundly important implication of this confirmation would be that Republika Srpska was founded upon a genocidal intention and that its territory was secured through genocidal atrocities. 4

However –and here is the matter of my concern– according to the October 8, 2009 Trial Chamber decision regarding the reduction of the scope of the Karadžić case, a reduction purportedly designed to insure that the trial would be conducted in “a fair and expeditious manner,” “the Prosecution proposed to remove eight municipalities in their entirety from the presentation of evidence.”5 The municipalities that were removed from the indictment included, Bosanski Petrovac, Kalinovik, Kotor Varoš, and Višegrad.  The removal of the selected municipalities from the indictment is evidenced by a line that is drawn through, or “struck through” the name of each of the selected municipalities. For example, Višegrad appears as such in the Prosecution’s Marked-up Indictment.

In its written decision the Court stated that “the preclusion of evidence pertaining to certain crime sites or incidents is not meant to suggest that the associated charges are of lesser importance than others.”6 However, “striking through” Višegrad, and removing the municipality from the indictment seems to fly in the face of the Court’s own ruling with respect to the crimes committed therein.  In his Judgement Summary for Milan Lukić and Sredoje Lukić of 20 July 2009, regarding crimes committed in Višegrad, Judge Robinson stated that:

The Pionirska street fire [June 14, 1992] and the Bikavac fire [June 27, 1992] exemplify the worst acts of inhumanity that a person may inflict upon others. In the all too long, sad and wretched history of man’s inhumanity to man, the Pionirska street and Bikavac fires must rank high. At the close of the twentieth century, a century marked by war and bloodshed on a colossal scale, these horrific events stand out for the viciousness of the incendiary attack, for the obvious premeditation and calculation that defined it, for the sheer callousness and brutality of herding, trapping and locking the victims in the two houses, thereby rendering them helpless in the ensuing inferno, and for the degree of pain and suffering inflicted on the victims as they were burnt alive. There is a unique cruelty in expunging all traces of the individual victims which must heighten the gravity ascribed to these crimes.”7

Having read Judge Robinson’s statement, and, having personally witnessed the exhumation of the human remains of victims from Višegrad in August 2010 when I accompanied the Bosnian Missing Persons Institute and the International Commission on Missing Persons in the course of their mission, it would not have occurred to me that it was in the interest of justice to remove Višegrad and the crimes committed therein from the indictment.

In your recent address to the U.N. Security Council, you spoke briefly about a range of expectations and implications of the ICTY’s decisions in relation to justice, peace and reconciliation.8 Your thoughtful reflections raise a question about the effect that the Court’s actions (or inactions) may have on certain perceptions. It seems, indeed, in the present context, that the absence of a conviction for genocide in Prijedor and the absence of a charge for genocide in Višegrad may well have emboldened the Bosnian Serb majority in those municipalities in their denials of the atrocities that were committed and in their suppression of the commemoration of the atrocities.

In Prijedor, for example, survivors have been forbidden from using the term “genocide” in public gatherings and have, moreover, been prohibited from installing memorials to the victims. In 2006, the local administration in Prijedor effectively prevented the installation of a memorial in the “White House” building that was part of the Omarska Concentration Camp. On December 1, 2005, ArcelorMittal, the current owner of the Omarska mining complex had actually agreed to allow the memorial to be installed and to provide financial support, but the Prijedor administration resisted the installation.

In Višegrad, the authorities threatened to destroy or remove a memorial to the victims in a private Muslim cemetery. Then, on January 23, 2014, the authorities forcibly entered the cemetery and ground the word “genocide” off the memorial.  It could be said that the Bosnian Serb-dominated municipality had effectively “struck through” or had “struck out” the term “genocide” from the memorial in the same way Višegrad had been struck through in the Prosecution’s Marked-Up Indictment.  If the intention was different, the result was the same.

In the meantime, it should not escape our attention that memorials to the perpetrators have been installed in Trnopolje (Prijedor), and Višegrad, and that only recently a memorial plaque honoring Commander Ratko Mladić, was installed in the hills above Sarajevo.

Hence, in the event that the prosecution of Mr. Karadžić culminates in a conviction for genocide under Count 1 in the named municipalities, it would be imperative, in the interest of justice, that the Court’s Judgement include a clear statement to the effect that while the conviction for genocide refers to a set of selected municipalities (the municipalities that remained in the indictment), in its essence, and in truth, the conviction for genocide under Count 1 would be a conviction for a genocidal intention that applied to the entirety of  the area “claimed as Bosnian Serb territory.”

If such a statement can be included in the Court’s Judgement, then those municipalities that were arbitrarily removed from the indictment would be inscribed once again in the essential scope of the conviction, an act of inclusion that would respect and respond to the singularity of the suffering that occurred throughout Republika Srpska as a result of the genocidal intention of the overarching joint criminal enterprise of its founding leadership.

Thank you for your consideration.


David Pettigrew, PhD Professor of Philosophy, Southern Connecticut State University,

Steering Committee, Yale University Genocide Studies Program,

International Team of Experts Institute for Research of Genocide, Canada,

Board Member, Bosnian American Genocide Institute and Education Center, Chicago, IL, USA

With the endorsement of:

Sanja Seferović-Drnovšek, J.D., M.Ed.,

person, Bosnian American Genocide Institute and Education Center (BAGI) Member, Illinois Holocaust and Genocide Commission;

Prof. Emir Ramić, Chairman,

Institute for the Research of Genocide, Canada (IRGC);

Prof. Dr. Rasim Muratović, Director,

Institute for the Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law, University of Sarajevo;

Satko Mujagić, Association of Victims and Witnesses of Genocide;

Ajla Delkić, Executive Director,

Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina;

Hamdija Čustović, President, Congress of North American Bosniaks (CNAB);

Bakira Hasečić, President, Association of Women Victims of War;

Selena Seferović, Director, Bosnian Library Chicago;

Prof. Dr. Senadin Lavić, President,

Bosniak Cultural Association, “Renaissance”;
Dr. Hariz Halilovich, Senior Lecturer,

Office of the Vice-Provost (Learning and Teaching),

Monash University, Victoria, Australia;

Dr. Marko Attila Hoare,

Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences,

Kingston University, London;

Anes Džunuzović, Udruženje ”Mladi Muslimani” [Young Muslims];

Mr. Sc. Sedad Bešlija, Active Bosniak Network.

Aleksandar Vučić´s Amnesia

Aleksandar Vučić, Milorad Dodik, Emir/Nemanja Kusturica  Ivica Dačić in a Saturday night live comedy skit
Aleksandar Vučić, Milorad Dodik, Emir Kusturica, Ivica Dačić


This column appeared originally on the website of the Bosnian daily Oslobodjenje 15/05/2014. It was written by award-winning Croatian writer Boris Dežulović. I had planned to translate it and post this article on my blog, however almost directly after Aleksandar Vučić ´s visit to Sarajevo and statements he made while there horrific floods hit Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia causing damage worth millions and killing dozens of people, maybe more and eclipsed everything else that was going on at the time. In the time that has passed since then Vučić has made further controversial statements including remarks about the First World War Centenary Commemoration 21–28 June 2014 called: Sarajevo heart of Europe. Vučić refused to participate in the event giving to two reasons for his nonattendance, one, that he had some minor complaints about the program and that he would have preferred it if Bosnia and Serbia had done something together and the other reason was because he could not stand in front of plaque where it says “Serb fascist aggressor” he added that he cannot and does not wish to feel that way.

The plaque he was referring to was the one at the entrance of Sarajevo´s newly restored National Library. ( Or Vjecnica as it´s populary known) On 25th of August 1992,  shelling from Bosnian Serb positions around Sarajevo caused the complete destruction of the building; among the things that went up in flame were 700 manuscripts and incunabula and a unique collection of Bosnian serial publications, some from the middle of the 19th century Bosnian cultural revival. Before the attack, the library held 1.5 million volumes and over 155,000 rare books and manuscripts.  The destruction of the National Library is now widely seen as an example of Ubricide, one of many in the Bosnian War. The national library was seen as a cultural symbol of Bosnia and Herzegovina and spoke of a presence of a heterogeneous Bosnian culture and therefor had to be destroyed.  Vjecnica was re-opened on 9th of May 2014, by the entrance a plaque reads: On this place Serbian Criminals in the night of 25th-26th August 1992 set on fire national and university’s library of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Over two million books, periodicals and documents vanished in the flame. Do not forget, remember and warn!

It´s understandable that Aleksandar Vučić might feel offended by that, however it´s does not make words on the plaque any less true, and it certainly does not say “fascist aggressor” even if one can’t not think of any reason not call the regime of Slobodan Milosevic and his clients in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Radovan Karadzic, Nikola Koljevic, Biljana Plavsic and Ratko Mladic fascist. They did jointly execute a campaign which caused the death and forcible relocation of thousands of people in Bosnia Herzegovina, Croatia and Kosovo. It´s might be difficult for Vucic to argue that the Milosevic regime was not a fascistic one and impossible for him to deny that nobody cheered more for a Greater Serbia then he did. Nor does Aleksandar Vučić´s disappointment somehow erase the fact that during the three and half year long siege of Sarajevo 11541 people were killed, of those 1601 were children. Approximately 50 000 people were wounded.

In May 1994, two years before the end of the siege, the most comprehensive UN-Report on the siege of Sarajevo was published. According to the report, the structural damage and damage to property in Sarajevo as a result of the siege included hospitals and other medical buildings and ambulances and medical personnel, doctors, nurses, ambulance drivers with more. Civilians have also been subjected to attacks, which can in no way be justified by the current state of war.

According to the report:

The siege has not spared any sector of Sarajevo’s population. UNICEF reported that of the estimated 65,000 to 80,000 children in the city: at least 40 per cent had been directly shot at by snipers; 51 per cent had seen someone killed; 39 per cent had seen one or more family members killed; 19 per cent had witnessed a massacre; 48 per cent had their home occupied by someone else; 73 per cent have had their home attacked or shelled; and 89 per cent had lived in underground shelters. It is probable that the psychological trauma suffered during the siege will bear heavily on the lives of these children in the years to come. (Civilian Casualties)

Nor does it mean that he was not a member of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) from 1993 to 2008. Constantly by the side of Serbian ultranationalist and warmonger Vojislav Šešelj together with Tomislav Nikolic, the current president of Serbia and former member of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) That could be the reason Aleksandar Vučić does not like to talk about the past. After his visit in Sarajevo in May he stated  that he did not allow anybody to hold any lectures about the past.  According toVučić  “he could feel the distrust of some people, and that he felt that some people thought that he would be easy to talk to, that they could lecture him about the past, he did not allow that.”

Nevertheless that did not stop several pundits in the Balkans from pointing to what can only be described as Vučić´s selective amnesia. As I wrote above,  one of those was award-winning writer Boris Dežulović in a column published in Bosnian daily Oslobodjenje 15/052014.


By  Boris Dežulović 

I got a call from Kožo the other day, he´d called me up to tell me a joke. He has a tendency to do that, calls you up in the middle of the night to tell you a joke. The joke goes; a child asked Aleksandar Vučić what´s the difference between amnesia and amnesty?  Vučić replied; “Amnesia is when you forget what you did yesterday” and amnesty is when everybody else around you forgets what you did yesterday”

It´s a practical thing, amnesia, amnesty whatever. You rediscover the world around you every day, and your place in that world. Your entire life is like that box of chocolates from Forrest Gump. Amnesia is especially handy when it comes to politics. That´s why you´ll often hear politicians say “forget the past” That is their plea for amnesty: Amnesty is as you may have understood, a form of collective amnesia. Why  would only their lives be a box of chocolates?

The only unfortunate thing is if “what he did yesterday” remains written down somewhere. As it happened during Vučić´s friendly visit to Sarajevo someone highly resentful revealed that the White Book, the party program of Vučić´s  party  SNS posted on the official site of the party, under paragraph two reads:

“The fight for the right to live, their property and return to their households, Serb refugees from the Republic of Serbian Krajina and Croatian will be one of the basic causes of Serbian progressives. (SNS) At the same time, coming closer politically and economic unity with Republika Srpska presents a very real political aim which will in the future and in a peaceful manner and respecting the will of the people create conditions for the formation of unified or single state of Serbian people and all other peoples living on the territory of Serbia and Republika Srpska.”

It´s commendable, of course that Vučić turned his back on Greater Serbia along the Karlobag-Karlovac-Virovitica line and being the practical man that he is, took Greater Serbia to a “Bit Smaller Serbia” or “Middle-sized Serbia” along the line Trebinje-Nevesinje-Kostajnica However it´s akward when it turns out that you are now on an official visit to what was yesterday Greater Serbia and today “Middle sized Serbia” As it´s not in the best spirit of diplomatic tradition that in your party´s political program says that you plan to annex the parts of the country that you are visiting,  Aleksandar Vučić grabbed the first cell phone he could find and called Belgrade ordering the parts about Middle-sized Serbia to be erased.

That´s how Aleksandar Vučić changed his party´s political program the way someone might change the settings on his remote control. So when he checked on the internet that Middle-sized Serbia was gone from the program, he started waving his White Book in which there is nothing about that. But alas – a moot point, it remained in the Latin version of the text! And while the president of the Serbian Progressives (SNS) in Sarajevo, in Cyrillic exclaimed he came as a “friend” and ”a representative of a country that respects the sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina”  his predecessor and president of Serbia Tomislav Nikolić, in Latin repeated that “it was becoming more and more obvious that Bosnia and Herzegovina could not last.” It´s complicated you see, it´s two official state letters.

In addition to issues of credibility of a party that has it´s program changed depending on where it´s president at that moment is eating his kebab, this affair posed another question: “What is the past exactly?”  It´s nice of Vučić to say; “let´s forget the past” -why would only his life be a box of chocolates-but before we rush into our brotherly amnesia we should as a precaution define the past.

When those resentful ones pulled out  how the youngest deputy in the Serbian Assembly during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina called on to kill one hundred Muslims for every dead Serb, Vučić responded by saying that we should forget the past, and that was a long time ago. Twenty years ago.

When those resentful ones pulled out how he was one of Slobodan Milošević´s faithful soldiers, and minister of information in the darkest period for Serbian journalism, when all independent newspapers and TV-stations were banned and Slavko Ćuruvija assassinated, Vučić responded by saying that we should forget the past, and that was a long time ago. Fifteen years ago.

When those resentful ones pulled out that he was one of Vojislav Šešelj´s faithful soldiers and that the “Red Duke” (nickname for Šešelj given to him by Vuk Drašković ) was the best man at his wedding and the godfather to his children, Vučić responded by saying that we should forget the past, and that was a long time ago. Ten years ago.

When those resentful ones pulled out how he had proclaimed the Serbian Assembly to be a safe house for Karadžić and Mladić, and that he posted signs along the Zoran Đinđić Boulevard in Belgrade that said: “Ratko Mladić Boulevard” Vučić responded by saying that we should forget the past, and that was a long time ago. Five years ago.

When those resentful ones finally pulled out how in the party program of his SNS posted on it´s official web-site it says “A united Serb state and all others citizens who live there, on the territory of Repubilka Srpska and Serbia,” Vučić responded by saying that we should forget the past, and that was a long time ago. Five minutes ago.

You have to admit, it´s a wonderful thing, amnesty? It frees a man of all responsibility for everything he says or does because as soon as he says or does something, he has already – isn´t grammar a wonderful thing? Said and done it in the past. “Past”- the one we have to forget.  In Vučić´s definition that means everything that has as the word says “past” In a broader sense it´s a collection of events that have occurred since the beginning of time until the beginning of the sentence pronounced by Aleksandar Vučić at that moment, in the narrow sense and everything that has happened since the beginning of the sentence by the time the end of the Serbian prime minister says: “And that’s why past should be forgotten. “

– In what sense? – You ask understandably confused.

– In what sense what? – Then asks a confused Vučić


As Boris Dežulović noted in his column, back 25th of July 1995,  two weeks after the fall of Srebrenica. Aleksandar Vučić then a member of Vojislav Šešelj´s Serbian Radical Party proclaimed from the podium in the Serbian Assembly “that for every Serb that is killed, we´ll kill a hundered Muslims”

In May 1995 Vučić was a part of delegation that included Vojislav Šešelj and current president of Serbia Tomislav Nikolić, visiting the Serb held hills above Sarajevo when a Bosnian Army rocket nearly hit the convoy. In the Youtube video you can see the confusion and commotion after the near-miss. The jeep in which Vučić,Šešelj and Nikolić travelled in had according to reports on the hood a skull of a killed Bosniak. The skull is visible near the end of the clip.

While still a member of the Serbian Radical Party. Vučić was a strong supporter of  Ratko Mladić  calling for his protection. In 2007, while Ratko Mladić, was still at large in Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić was distributing posters stating “A safe house for general Mladić”. During a parliament session he stated that the Serbian Parliament will always protect and be a safe house for the general and that any house in Serbia that bears the last name of Vučić will protect and shelter Ratko Mladić as can be seen in the clip below.





31 maj, de vita bandens dag

Enligt de domar som har avkunnats av Haagtribunalen (ICTY) tog serbiska styrkor över kontrollen av staden Prijedor i norra Bosnien 30 april 1992. 31 maj 1992 utfärdade serbiska myndigheter ett dekret där alla icke-serber i staden skulle märka sina hus med vita flaggor eller vita lakan och bära en vit armband om de gick ut ur sina hus eller lägenhet. Detta var första dagen av den kampanj som resulterade i massavrättningar, koncentrationsläger, massvåldtäkter och den etniska rensningen av stadens bosniakiska och kroatiska invånare. I september 2013 hittades var man trodde då var Bosniens största massgrav. Massgraven I Tomasica, hittills har man exhumerat 435 kroppar från massgraven och utgrävningen fortsätter. 3173 civila, varutav 256 kvinnor och 102 barn dödades under den etniska rensningen av Prijedor. Idag är Ratko Mladic och Radovan Karadzic åtalade för  folkmord  I bla Prijedor.

I nordvästra Bosnien så har man hittills hittat 131 massgravar, var av dessa 61 ligger i Prijedorområdet. Enligt experter hade man redan i oktober 2013 utifrån preliminära utredningar av massgraven och området kring gruvan kunna fastställa att den gamla gruvan användes som ett samlingsområde, i den hade man under en period av tre månader under sommaren 1992 lastat av döda kroppar där. Många togs senare till andra massgravar. Enligt Ratko Mladic dagboksanteckningar från kriget, närmare bestämt 27 maj 1993 så begärde den förre polischefen i Prijedor, Simo Drljaca hjälp av Mladic och den bosnienserbiska armén med ”att göra sig av med cirka 5000 kroppar” genom att ”bränna kropparna, mala ner de” eller använda sig av andra metoder

Dokumentärfilmen: Logor (Koncentrationsläger) på bosniska och engelska med bla intervjuer med överlevande men också Ed Vulliamy och Penny Marshall, två av de journalister som berättade för omvärlden om Omarska, Trnopolje Manjaca och Keraterm.

Jag är inte från Prijedor, men skulle kunna lika gärna vara det, lika mycket som jag skulle kunna vara från Foca,Rudo, Vlasenica, Bratunac, Srebrenica, Zvornik, Bjeljina, Brcko, Doboj, Kozarac, Kljuc, Sanski Most, Kotor Varos, Trebinje med mera… Städer som råkade ligga sig på det område som Milosevic, Karadzic, Bulatovic, Cosic tillsammans med det övriga politiska och militära ledarskapet i Serbien  hade bestämt skulle ingå i ett ”Storserbien” Ibland kan man inte låta bli att känna skuld för att man är vid liv, medan så många andra är inte det. Många gånger har man undrat varför så många dog medan jag fick leva och man har tänkt tanken hur det skulle kännas att byta plats med de som dog, för min del skulle det vara helt okej. Fast något sådant kommer aldrig ske  och är så klart resultat av skuldkänslor over att man är vid liv medan så många andra man kände är inte det. Jag vet varför jag är här idag.

Det är för att bära vittnesbörd och för att se till att vårda minnet av de som dog för att det skulle kunna lika gärna ha varit jag. Anledningen till att det är så viktigt att vårda minnet av de som dog är eftersom det räcker inte med att de är döda, att de togs från oss, att liv förstördes familjer splittrades och utplånades städer förstördes byar jämnades med marken och hela vår existens reducerades till vilka vi var och vad våra namn var. Det här är det minsta jag kan göra, för att hålla minnet vid liv och för att hedra de döda.

Nu bedrivs ett angrepp mot sanningen och minnet av de som dog bla i Prijedor och det bedrivs inte av enskilda förnekare någonstans ute i periferin så som Lennart Palm eller Björn Eklund och Diana Johnstone eller de som utpekade i Expressens stora avslöjande om profilerna som stödjer folkmordsförnekarna, utan av myndigheterna i delar av Bosnien Hercegovina, främst Republika Srpska där de koncentrationsläger där folk tidigare misshandlades, torterades och mördades är inte minnesplatser tillägnade offren och de som överlevde utan återigen fungerande fabriker eller gruvor och där man måste ansöka om tillstånd om man vill hedra de som dödades i lägren. En annan anledning till att det är så viktigt att vårda minnet av de döda är för att idag är Prijedor i likhet med många andra städer i RS en stad där de som deltog i pogromerna är nu vid makten. I Prijedor är det borgmästaren Marko Pavic som länge motsatte sig något som helst minneshögtid och såg till att gripa några av de aktivister, anhöriga och överlevande många från Prijedor som 31 maj 2012 och 2013 dök upp i stadskärnan för att hedra de som dog i staden. Många av dem var unga serber från Prijedor som gick sida vid sida med Bosniaker och Kroater.

Prijedor är också en stad där tidigare lägervakter återigen kan jobba som poliser, d.v.s. de som ska hålla medborgarna trygga, många av  medborgarna är  förre detta fångar i koncentrationslägren Omarska Trnopolje och Keraterm eller anhöriga till de som dödades i lägren. Nu löper man risken att se sina gamla plågoandar återigen  uniform, nu förväntas samma människor “skydda” medborgarna. Prijedor är också en stad där 20-tal meter från ställen där folk plågades, våldtogs och mördades byggs minnessten till fallna serbiska soldater.

Allt detta gör det inte bara nödvändigt utan även livsviktigt att se till att 31 maj högtidlighålls runt om i Bosnien men också utomlands. Sanningen är livsviktig för Bosnien Hercegovina. Samtidigt som översvämningarna har visat  hur löjliga gränser är, speciellt de inom Bosnien Hercegovina. Bosnier, vare sig de är Bosniaker, Serber, Kroater eller några av de andra folkgrupperna har fortfarande en del svårigheter att överbrygga men kriget och aggressionen mot den unga staten var menat att slita sönder landet och det bosniska samhället.

Översvämningarna och protesterna har fört folk närmare varandra, förhoppningen bland många innan översvämningarna var att protesterna skulle leda till att man gjorde upp med korruptionen, det icke fungerande byråkratin men också börja på allvar prata om det förflutna och börja göra upp med det en gång för alla. Därför är det livsviktigt att man fortsätter att högtidligålla 31 maj varje år eftersom för varje år som det hölls kommer fler och flera veta om vad som egentligen skedde, och man håller minnet av det som skedde vid liv och att fler och fler ser att det finns en alternativ till det schizofrena och ideologibaserade historieskrivningen som genomsyrar vissa delar av Bosnien Hercegovina.

A Conspiracy of Silence? The forgotten genocide of Omarska, Prijedor